Dec 31, 2010


Wishing all of God's children and men and women of goodwill everywhere a happy, healthy and prosperous 2011. One of my new year resolutions is to update my blog more regularly.

Yes, I know this was my resolution in 2008, 2009 and 2010, but this time I really mean it.... I hope!

Happy New Year 2011

The crisis unfolding in Ivory Coast is a tragic and familiar one. A dictator without any legitimate claim to power sits tight in office in defiance of his people’s will and international opinion.

President Laurent Gbagbo remains defiant and has vowed that he would not cede power in Ivory Coast, to the widely acclaimed winner of the November 2010 elections, Alassane Ouattara. Gbagbo has been offered several concessions by the international community to ensure a quiet and graceful departure and forestall a slide to violence and war in that country.

According to the New York Times, he has been offered a position in an international organization and the opportunity to relocate to the United State or to some other location in Europe or Africa. But like the typical delusional dictator, has refused all these concessions and insists on exercising power without his peoples' mandate or international legitimacy.

Gbagbo intransigence and obstinacy reminds me of Saddam Hussein in the lead up to the Iraq War. When he had the opportunity to quietly withdraw his troops from Kuwait following his ill-fated invasion, he thumped his nose at the intentional community. His fate is one that ultimately awaits all dictators….

Gbagbo is running out of time. There is very little tolerance for sit tight dictators like him in today’s world.

Read the New York Times Report.

Ivory Coast: Laurent Gbagbo, Tyranny and Obstinacy

The World Bank has an unviable record in Africa. For several decades, it promoted an economic policy of Structural Adjustment through strict conditions attached to loans to vulnerable African states. These conditions or borrowing terms curtailed investment in public and social services, advocated liberalization of national economies and aggressive privatization that widened the gap between the very rich and the very poor.

The results, as even the World Bank itself now admits, were disastrous. Across Africa, states that swallowed the bitter pill of the World Bank’s Structural Adjustment Policy suffered unprecedented mass impoverishment and economic decline leading to social unrest and in some cases, political crisis.

Now, the World Bank would want us to believe that it is a changed institution more interested now in seeking fruitful engagement with Africa than making profits for its shareholders.

In 2010, the Bank began what it described as a major review its strategy for Africa. The result is a recently released policy document tiled: “Africa's Future and the World Bank's Role in It.” In it, the Bank states with not a little irony and euphemism:

"... The World Bank is changing. The “paradigmatic instability” of the past notwithstanding, theBank is supporting development models that allow for different mixes of government and market interventions. The Bank is not prescribing solutions. Rather, the Bank is using its knowledge assistance to nourish an evidence-based debate in countries on policy issues. The Bank is listening and learning. We are promoting South-South knowledge exchange for this purpose…."

The document then goes on to lay out the Bank’s new vision for Africa. It all sounds nice and good … but given its checkered and beleaguered history in the continent, many will remain skeptical. The taste of the pudding will be in the eating.

The Bank is now asking for input from the public on its new vision…. I suspect they will get an earful…

Read “Africa's Future and the World Bank's Role in It.”

The World Bank in Africa: Can a Leopard Change its Spots?

Dec 13, 2010

From what I have read of the man, his beliefs and work for the cause of human rights and democracy, I believe Liu Xiaobo is eminently deserving of this year Nobel Peace Prize. I am skeptical of denunciation of Liu as subversive and unpatriotic by the Chinese authorities and its supporters. After all, the same accusation has been made against almost every human rights defender in history. The fact that Liu remains detained by the Chinese authorities even as the rest of the world celebrate him is an indication of the disconnect between statist authoritarian agenda and those of committed human rights defenders.

But however much we might disagree with statist counter-arguments against human rights, we cannot afford to dismiss them. Those who believe in the cause of human rights must engage the arguments of those who seek to subvert it. That is ultimately the only way to strengthen the cause of human rights.

Below are two arguments for and against the award of the Nobel peace prize to Liu Xiaobo. Interestingly, criticism of the award comes not from the usual suspects but from two previous Nobel prize winners. It makes for interesting reading.

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Liu Xiaobo: Living in truth and paying the price
Jean-Philippe Béja (Amnesty International)

"I dedicate this prize to all those lost souls who have sacrificed their lives in non-violent struggle for peace, democracy and freedom." - Liu Xiaobo, upon learning in prison that he was to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

The Nobel Committee's decision to award this year's Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo is undoubtedly a tribute to the memory of the 1989 pro-democracy movement that the Chinese government has been consistently trying to erase over the last two decades.

"June 1989 was the major turning point in my 50 years on life's road," Liu declared at his trial in December 2009.

This road had been fairly smooth until that day. Born in Changchun in northern China on 28 December 1955, Liu Xiaobo's itinerary had been typical for his generation.

The son of a university professor, during the Cultural Revolution he followed his parents to the Inner Mongolian countryside, where he stayed from 1969 till 1973. He then spent more than two years in a rural people's commune in his home province of Jilin, and was given a job as a construction worker in Changchun in 1976.

When Communist Party Chair Hua Guofeng re-established the national university entrance examination in 1977, Xiaobo was admitted to the Chinese department of Jilin University. He graduated in 1982 and entered Beijing Normal University where he was awarded his Ph.D in 1988.

Liu Xiaobo did not take part in the pro-democracy movement of the late 1970s. While Wei Jingsheng and his comrades were fighting for democracy, Liu was interested only in literature, writing poems, and reading Western philosophy.

He made a name as a literary critic when, in 1986, he wrote an article denouncing Chinese writers' dependence on the state and their inability to think for themselves. The article had an enormous impact and he was labeled the "black horse" of China's literary scene.

In the vibrant intellectual atmosphere of the late 1980s, his provocative ideas attracted the attention of the intelligentsia; he was invited to give lectures all over China, and abroad.

He was a visiting scholar at Columbia University in New York when the 1989 pro-democracy movement erupted in China. Whereas many of his colleagues at home were seeking ways to go abroad, Liu immediately returned to China and spent most of his time in Tiananmen Square.

Although he kept criticizing them, the student leaders respected him and debated with him. On the eve of the massacre, he launched a hunger strike with three comrades to protest the imminent repression by the People's Liberation Army. On the night of 3 June, he negotiated a peaceful evacuation of Tiananmen Square with the army.

Having found refuge in a diplomatic compound, he couldn't stand being safe while Beijing citizens and students were persecuted. Consequently, he left his apartment and was arrested on 6 June. Labelled a "black hand" behind the movement, he spent 20 months at Qincheng jail in Beijing.

On his release, he was a changed man. He wrote no more about literature, but joined the struggle for democracy, publishing articles in the Hong Kong media criticizing the Chinese government, and organizing petitions to denounce human rights violations.

The 4 June massacre had completely changed his outlook. Although he was criticized by dissidents for having said in an interview with state media that he had not personally seen the deaths in the Square, he has dedicated most of his energy to preserving the memory of the massacre - while refusing to lie simply for the sake of rousing the enthusiasm of the democracy movement.

The massacre changed his view of the ordinary Chinese people. A man who had been interested mostly in debating with the elites, discovered the courage, the intelligence, and the political sophistication of the common people - the lao bai xing.

The sacrifice of the people led him to act according to his principles. Liu Xiaobo, very much like Vaclav Havel, was convinced that the most effective weapon against the government was "living in truth". "To refuse to lie in public life represents the most effective force to undermine tyranny," he said.

He refused to use pen-names in order to be allowed to publish his articles, and accepted that he would remain outside the system.

From his release from prison in 1991 until his latest arrest in 2008, he has lived under the watchful eyes of the police. But this hasn't kept him from acting in accordance with his ideals.

Liu Xiaobo has worked hand in hand with the Tiananmen Mothers, whose objective is to force the government to acknowledge the massacre and rehabilitate the victims.

He has organized petitions against the arrest of writers imprisoned for the texts they have posted on the internet. He has written in defence of workers who protested the corruption of their factory managers, and has organized appeals to defend the rights of migrant workers.

The former university professor also enjoys the respect of people inside the system; the consistency of his ideas and his courage over the last two decades have impressed many in China, including Party members.

Liu Xiaobo has organized petitions with 1989 activists, with young intellectuals who have fallen victim to government repression, and with elder Party members formerly allied with the reformist senior Party official Hu Yaobang, whose death in 1989 sparked the student demonstrations. In the process, he has gained the esteem of the various groups and generations of the pro-democracy movement.

His writings in support of China's burgeoning "rights defence" or weiquan movement, and his interventions in favour of workers and young intellectuals, have made him a central figure in China's emerging civil society.

People from all walks of life admire his courage and his consistency. He hasn't hesitated to go to prison for his ideas. When, in 1996, veteran dissident Wang Xizhe asked him to sign an appeal to the Communist Party and the Taiwanese Kuomintang to collaborate to save China, he accepted: "I wasn't convinced, but I had a great respect for Wang Xizhe." He paid for this respect with three years in Re-education Through Labour. But this still didn't deter him from acting for democracy.

In the late 2000s, he worked with others to organize Charter 08, a manifesto inspired by Czechoslovakia's Charter 77, asking for the introduction of real democracy in China through separation of powers, the end to one-party rule, and a federal system.

Liu was not the main drafter of the manifesto, but took a key role in gathering signatories. His arrest gave the Charter great resonance, and it has now been signed by over 10,000 Chinese citizens from all walks of life.

The Charter 08 movement is not an organization which threatens the Communist party's grip on power in any way. It is only a symptom that in many circles, the idea of real democracy is growing.

However, the communist leaders have a different opinion. They consider it an attempt at subversion, and Liu Xiaobo has paid the prize. The 11-year sentence meted out on him on Christmas Day, 2009, is one of the heaviest ever for the crime of "incitement to subvert the state".

Subversion is the least suitable description of Liu Xiaobo's activities; he has always acted in the plain light of day.

Even if he had wanted to work underground, the fact that he has been followed by the police since his release in 1991, would have made it impossible.

Let us face the facts: Liu Xiaobo has been imprisoned because his ideas differ from those of the powers that be.
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Liu Xiaobo wrong man for Nobel Peace Prize, say laureates
Lucy Bannerman, The Australian December 13, 2010

TWO British scientists awarded the Nobel Physics Prize have caused shock by condemning the decision to give the peace prize to Liu Xiaobo.

Andre Geim, a professor at the University of Manchester, who shares this year's $1.6 million prize with colleague Konstantin Novoselov, said the Nobel committee was out of touch, and dismissed its tribute to the jailed Chinese dissident as patronising.

"Look at the people who give this Nobel prize," Professor Geim said. "They are retired Norwegian politicians who have spent all their careers in a safe environment, in an oil-rich modern country. They try to extend their views of the world, how the world should work and how democracy works in another country. It's very, very patronising -- they have not lived in these countries.

"In the past 10 years, China has developed not only economically, but even the strongest human rights supporter would agree also human rights have improved. Why do we need to distort this?"

Professor Novoselov defended China, insisting Western criticism of the communist regime was misplaced.

"What is a dictatorship? It is not as if people are being constantly killed there," he said.

The scientists' support for China sparked an extraordinary exchange with another laureate, Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa, during the annual Nobel Minds debate.

Vargas Llosa, who expressed solidarity with the dissident Liu, said the scientists "must explain themselves".

Both were born in Russia, one of the 17 countries that boycotted the ceremony, but they have made careers in Britain. They were honoured for their work with graphene, the thinnest known material, which opens huge possibilities in technology.

Although both agreed it was unfair that neither Mr Liu nor his family had been allowed to accept his award, they said it was a myth that every Chinese person was terrified of the regime.

"China is doing a lot for its scientists. So many of our Chinese students want to go back because they see lots of opportunities there. They don't see it as breaching their human rights," Professor Novoselov said.

Professor Geim added: "I have many Chinese colleagues, and they believe that the slow way to Western democracy is better."

Liu Xiaobo: The Price of the Nobel Peace Prize

Dec 10, 2010

New York, Dec 10 2010 12:05PM

As the United Nations system gears up to celebrate 2011 as the “International Year for People of African Descent,” Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon delivered an impassioned plea today to the world community to eradicate racism once and for all.

"The international community cannot accept that whole communities are marginalized because of the colour of their skin," he told an event at UN Headquarters in New York to launch the Year. "People of African descent are among those most affected by racism. Too often, they face denial of basic rights such as access to quality health services and education. Such fundamental wrongs have a long and terrible history.

"The international community has affirmed that the transatlantic slave trade was an appalling tragedy not only because of its barbarism but also because of its magnitude, organized nature and negation of the essential humanity of the victims.

"Even today, Africans and people of African descent continue to suffer the consequences of these acts," he added, calling for their full integration into social, economic and political life and at all levels of decision-making.

The General Assembly proclaimed the Year in December 2009 in a resolution citing the need to strengthen national actions and regional and international cooperation to ensure that people of African descent fully enjoy economic, cultural, social, civil and political rights, to advance their integration into all political, economic, social and cultural aspects of society, and to promote a greater knowledge of and respect for their diverse heritage and culture.

"As the Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms, 'all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights,'" Mr. Ban said. "If we are to make those words real, then we must eradicate racism once and for all. The success of the International Year requires concerted efforts across the United Nations system and at the regional and national levels, with the widest possible engagement and participation."
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For more details go to UN News Centre athttp://www.un.org/news

ON EVE OF YEAR FOR PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT, BAN CALLS FOR FINAL END TO RACISM

Dec 3, 2010

Religion has historically been a key source of human rights violations. From the medieval battles of the Christian Crusades to contemporary Islamic fundamentalism, religion has often been invoked in ways that cause pain and suffering to others. However, religion can also be an effective means of promoting human rights and peace in our world. Think about it! Every region I know has something positive to say about human rights. We just have chosen not to pay attention.

Hinduism: Hindu tradition teaches non-harm of the self, others and the earth and offers passive constraints on recourse to violence. Idea of Ahmisa “non injury” or the absence of a desire to harm is a central tenet of Hindu ethics.

Confucianism: One of the five Confucian virtues is “Jen” (human-heartedness) which is described by Confucius as the principle “to love all men.”

ca. 475 - 221 B.C.E. The disciples of Confucius compile The Analects - a Collection of Confucius’ discussions with his disciples. The Analects has heavily influenced the philosophy and moral values of China and other East Asian societies.

“Fan Ch’ih asked about benevolence. The Master said, “Love your fellow men. He asked about wisdom. The Master said “Know your fellow men.” Fan Ch’ih failed to grasp his meaning. The Master said, “Raise the straight and set them over the crooked. This can make the crooked straight.”--- Confucius, “On Rightful Conduct of Rulers and Subjects” (The Analects, Book XVIII)

Even though it was patriarchal and hierarchical, classical Confucianism did hold the view that all people have the capacity to become flourishing moral persons in the community, if not exemplary sages. This view comes close to maintaining a position of moral equality even within social hierarchy, at least with respect to people’s moral potential.

§ Judaism: Judaism teaches tolerance, accountability, justice and the infinite value of human life.

“Do not hate your brother in your heart. Rebuke your neighbour frankly so you will not share in his guilt. Do not seek revenge or bear a grudge against one of your people, but love your neighbour as yourself.” -- Leviticus 19:17-18

“Thou shalt not curse the deaf.” -- Leviticus 19:14. (Disability rights)

“Do not pervert justice; do not show partiality to the poor or favouritism to the great, but judge your neighbour fairly.” --Leviticus 19:15.

Judaism teaches that the individual has the right not only to life, but to security from harm, to health, dignity and making a living - all specific factors involved in assessing costs in cases of damages (Bava Kama, Mishnah 2:6).

§ Christianity: Jesus of Nazareth, the central figure in Christianity, preached virtues of love, compassion and justice.

Love your neighbour as yourself. -- The Bible, Mathew 22:37.

§ Islam: Prophet Muhammad, the central figure in Islam preached the virtues of tolerance, charity and equality.

“Oh mankind, we have created you from a single pair of male and female and made you into nations and tribes that ye may know each other, not that you may despise each other.” -- Koran, Surah 49:13.

Religion, War and Human Rights

Nov 21, 2010

I feel compelled to remind my friends, colleagues and students that Ubuntu is not just an open-source computer operating system. Even more important than the operating system is the original meaning of the term.

Ubuntu is a African humanist and ethical philosophy which affirms people’s interdependence and relations with each other. The essence of Ubuntu is captured in the following quotes.

“A person is a person through (other) persons”
-- African Proverb.

“Ubuntu is to say, ‘my humanity is caught up, is inextricably bound up, in yours.’ We belong to a family bundle.”
--- Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

“A person with Ubuntu is open and available to others, affirming of others, does not feel threatened that others are able and good, for he or she has a proper self-assurance that comes from knowing that he or she belongs in a greater whole and is diminished when others are humiliated or diminished, when others are tortured or oppressed.”
-- Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

My neighbour and I have the same origins / We have the same life-experience and a common destiny / We are the obverse and reverse sides of one entity /We are unchanging equals /We are the faces which see themselves in each other / We are mutually fulfilling compliments / We are simultaneously legitimate values... /I am sovereign of my life / My neighbour is sovereign of his life; Society is a collective sovereignty /It exists to ensure that my neighbour and I realize the promise of being human.
---Zulu aphorism.

What is Ubuntu?

Nov 17, 2010

Chris Dolan, Social Torture: The Case of Northern Uganda, 1986-2006. New York & Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2009. xiv + 338.

In Social Torture, Chris Dolan seeks to complicate our understanding of the protracted conflict in Northern Uganda. Though typically portrayed as a military conflict between the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the government, Dolan argues that the conflict is better understood as a form of “social torture” that has maintained local population in a position of subordinate inclusion. The book shows how, alongside the activities of the Lord’s Resistance Army, government decisions and actions on the ground, consolidated by humanitarian interventions and silences have played a central role in creating and sustaining a massive yet little recognized humanitarian crisis.

Dolan questions the seriousness of the Ugandan government in its stated intentions of finding a solution to the war. The rebels, he argues, could have been overcome with a coherent military strategy that did not alienate large number of civilians. The point of the prolonged and intense suffering was not so much to defeat the insurgency as to send a sharp message to the members of the Acholi parts of the country.

At times, the conflict between the Government’s stubborn insistence on seeking a military solution, and the equally strong resistance to this from civil society actors, appear to be as important as the conflict they all purported to be seeking a solution to. The result is that individuals and the society as a whole came to exhibit symptoms typical of torture.

In Dolan’s interpretation of the conflict, the key actors cannot simply be reduced to perpetrators and victims. The category of perpetrator is further unpacked revealing visible perpetrators and complicit bystanders. Visible perpetrators include the government and the LRA. Less visible but no less complicit actors are donor governments, multilateral organizations, churches and NGOs.

For someone whose account of the conflict derives from working with an international NGO, Dolan is particularly scathing in his criticism of the role of NGOs in the conflict. He argues that like doctors in a torture situation, they appear to be there to ease the suffering of victims, but in reality they enable the process to be prolonged by keeping the victim alive for further abuse. Doing this serves some economic, political and psychological functions for both perpetrators and bystanders alike.

The book also offers a persuasive critique of public discourses on the conflict and their accompanying silences. By focusing loudly on some elements of the situation and keeping silent on others, public discourses serve to fragment and thus divert attention from the bigger picture. The discourse of the conflict and its silences are therefore themselves a form of violence.

One of the more interesting aspects of the book is the analysis of the gendered consequences of the conflict in Chapter 7. The author argues that although the war consolidated expectations of hegemonic masculinity, it simultaneously undermined men’s lived experiences of their own masculinity, thereby aggravating a process set in motion by colonialism.

Social Torture is a detailed and well researched book; perhaps too detailed in parts. The book could have done with less of the laborious methodological discussion that takes up much of the first two chapters.

Dolan acknowledges that his construction of social torture may raise concerns as to whether the integrity and condemnatory power of the term “torture” will be weakened, either conceptually or in terms of action taken against its perpetrators. He is convinced that it will not, but not everyone will agree.

He critiques as narrow and legalistic, the explicit emphasis on intentionality in the definition of torture in the UN Torture Convention. People’s behaviour, he argues, are not reducible to the intentionality that lies at the heart of the Convention definition of torture. However, one can argue that it is precisely that narrowness hinged on intentionality that gives the concept of torture its relevance and efficacy. Like “social genocide” or “cultural genocide,” the concept of “social torture” risks diluting the potency of the original concept. Torture, as a human rights concept, loses its meaning if used to describe every act of pain and suffering whether inflicted intentionally or not.

In all, Social Torture is a welcome study. By drawing on firsthand experience, the author brings a rare insider perspective to his analysis of the conflict. To this extent, Dolan largely succeeds in his stated aim of crafting a resilient counter-narrative to mainstream discourses about the conflict in Northern Uganda.

"Social Torture" in Northern Uganda

Nov 15, 2010

Sooner or later, even the most hardened dictators must cave in to the determined resolve of a people's yearning for freedom and democracy...

After fifteen years of house arrest, Burma has released Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, an outspoken proponent against the military dictatorship that has subjugated her country.

Appearing outside her home in Rangoon, Ms Suu Kyi told thousands of jubilant supporters they had to "work in unison" to achieve their goals.

The Nobel Peace Prize winner has been detained for 15 of the past 21 years. It is not yet clear if any conditions have been placed on her release.

US President Barack Obama welcomed her release as "long overdue".

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said Ms Suu Kyi was an "inspiration", and called on Burma to free all its remaining political prisoners.

The decision to free 65-year-old Ms Suu Kyi comes six days after the political party supported by the military government won the country's first election in 20 years. The ballot was widely condemned as a sham.

Suu Kyi has previously said that she would not negotiate for any release that came with conditions, such as preventing her from running for office. However, it is doubtful that the ruling generals would have granted freedom to Suu Kyi unless they felt confident that she posed little to no threat to their position. With the questionable results from the last election, it should be interesting to see how the Burmese now react to the symbol of democratic resistance in their country walking among them.

Burma Releases Nobel Laureate Suu Kyi After 15 Years Of House Arrest

Nov 11, 2010

Here is one of those human rights “grey area” stories that one encounters every now and again. Apparently, some airlines will not let men sit with unaccompanied minors they do not know. While I understand the obligation of airlines to protect children placed in their care, asking a man to leave his seat for the only reason that he is a man, goes beyond the bounds of prudent action. Move the kid if you must but the implicit suggestion that all men are potential abusers and perverts clearly raises serious ethical and human rights concerns.

By David Parker Brown, on July 1st, 2010 at 8:55 am

Making sure children flying under the care of an airline are not preyed upon is extremely important. So is making sure that a person’s individual rights are not taken away from them and made to feel like a criminal.

Recently, passenger Mirko Fischer took British Airways to court for forcing him to move seats because he was sitting next to a young child.

Fischer originally had the window seat, but switched with his pregnant wife, so she could see out the window (what a gentleman). This changed caused him to be sitting next to a young unaccompanied minor and the flight crew made him change his seat. The airline told him that they ban male passengers from sitting next to children they do not know.

The passenger did not feel this treatment was right and left him feeling, “embarrassed, humiliated and angry.” He took British Airways to court for “loss of damage and injury to his feelings.”

“This policy is branding all men as perverts for no reason,” Fischer said. “They accuse you of being some kind of child molester just because you are sitting next to someone.”

Fischer won his case and was paid $3712.00 in costs and $1288.00 in damages. He didn’t pocket the money however. He donated his payout and $3865.00 of his own money to two different child protection charities.

British Airways is currently reviewing the policy, but still states the rule is not discriminatory.

Parents put their children into care of an airline to make sure they are kept safe during their flight. But is it ok to keep all men away from children because of this? I say no.

If the flight crew has any reason to assume that a passenger is not acting appropriately, then yes, it is their duty to move the child. However, it is not ok to discriminate against a passenger just because of a fear of inappropriate behavior. Would it be ok to not sit a child next to someone of a particular race or religion because they are more likely to molest a child?

I have heard of other airlines having similar policies. The concept of these policies is to keep children safe, which is very important, but not at the expense of discriminating against other passengers.

To Sit or not to Sit

Nov 4, 2010

"There is never a convenient time to protest against injustice"

When I think about human rights in Australia, I don't unsually think "movies." But out of Australia comes a great documentary about the the meaning of true courage and power of moral conviction. "SALUTE is the story of how a white Australian sprinter became a hero in black America, even as he was virtually written out of the annals of Australia’s Olympic history. On one level, it is a story of real idealism, the youthful sort that the Olympics are supposed to be about; on another, it’s about the corruption and betrayal of those ideals in the way the Olympics are actually run."

I don't know how readily availbale this move is outside Australia, but I highly recommend it for anyone interested in issues of human rights and social justice. 4 stars out of 5.

Watch a Documentaray Trailer


Peter Norman didn’t actually do very much, except run the race of his life in the men’s 200-metre track final in Mexico in October 1968. He came second in 20.06 seconds, which is still the fastest time any Australian has run the distance, and half a second faster than anything he had run before.

The winner was Tommie Smith, a tall black American from Texas. Third was John Carlos, another tall black American. The race itself was worth a documentary because it was full of drama, controversy and psychological warfare, much of it practised by the extremely crafty Norman, but it’s what happened afterwards that everyone remembers.

Smith and Carlos turned on the victory dais and raised a gloved fist in a Black Power salute, as Norman stood beside them. He was the white guy in the photograph that made front page all round the world the next day. Everyone soon forgot his name, except Smith and Carlos, a lot of other black American athletes, and a couple of Australian Olympic officials.

In practical terms, all Norman did was wear a badge that simply said “Olympic Project for Human Rights”, an organisation made up largely of African-American athletes protesting against racism in sport. In 1967, the project had proposed that all black American athletes boycott the Mexico Olympics, a move that never came off. Wearing their badge was choosing a side, though.

The film makes clear why Norman chose that side. He was a devout Christian, raised in the Salvation Army. There is a picture of him at the time, a handsome, open-faced young man with sandy hair, in a tracksuit that says “Jesus saves”. He believed passionately in equality for all, regardless of colour, creed or religion – the Olympic code.

A few minutes before the victory ceremony, the two black runners told Norman what they were planning to do. He told them he agreed, which surprised them. Norman asked what he could do in support; he didn’t think it would be appropriate to raise his fist, so they borrowed a badge from an American rower. All three winners wore the badges on the dais.Afterwards, when all hell broke loose and Smith and Carlos were sent home, banned for life by an apoplectic president of the International Olympic Committee, Avery Brundage, the media asked Norman if he supported them. He said he did, and he criticised the White Australia Policy. Big mistake.
Julius (Judy) Patching, the manager of the Australian Olympic team, cautioned him at the Olympics, but Australian officials reserved their real punishment for later.

In 1972, despite being the fifth-fastest man in the world over 200 metres, Norman was left out of Australia’s team for the Munich Olympics. They took no sprinters at all, rather than take him. Even 28 years later, as every extant Australian Olympian was said to have been invited to the 2000 Sydney Olympics, they still managed to forget to invite him.

One of the most telling aspects of Salute is that even in 2000, many black American athletes had not forgotten. They flew Norman to Sydney and made him a guest of honour at Michael Johnson’s birthday party.

Johnson, still the fastest man ever over 200 metres, hugged him on their first meeting and told him he was a personal hero.

Salute could easily be seen as the worst kind of hagiography, because it’s Matt Norman’s tribute to his uncle, Peter. There’s certainly a lot of misty-eyed emotion, pushed to breaking point by an overused score, and it’s made worse by Norman’s reluctance to leave anything out – even badly recorded sound and image – but that’s beside the point. Even though Peter Norman was a bystander to history, the eddies of that history are far richer than we might have expected, and Matt Norman manages to find them all.

The film has an extraordinary sense of the moral intricacies of the situation, and the hypocrisies. Peter Norman could have chosen not to stand up that day. The other two warned him, because they were concerned he might suffer backlash, which indeed he did. He was then forgotten; rubbed out, in fact, by the grubby little men who always seem to end up running the Olympics.

Most Australians only heard of Peter Norman when two very tall black men turned up for his funeral in Melbourne in 2006. The film is finally incredibly moving because of their testimony. Here, just in time, is a great lesson in what the Olympics are supposed to be about.

Paul Byrnes, Sydney Morning Herald, July 17, 2008

SALUTE: A Story of Youth, Idealism and Courage

Oct 31, 2010

Isn't it ironic how some of the most profound ideas come out of humour? Jon Stewart’s closing statement at the Rally to Restore Sanity (10 Oct, 2010) is one of the most sensible and thoughtful “political” statements that I have heard in a long while. Amidst the polemics of cynicism, anger and hate that seem to have become a staple of American politics, it is reassuring to know that there still remains a sane and silent majority in that country...

My favourite quote: “If we amplify everything, we hear nothing.”

"If we amplify everything, we hear nothing"

Oct 18, 2010

“To forgive is not just to be altruistic. It is the best form of self-interest. What we do to dehumanize others inexorably dehumanizes us too.”
– Archbishop Desmond Tutu

Only the dead have seen the end of war.
-- Plato

The greatest remedy for anger is delay.
-- Thomas Paine

Quotes of the Week

Sep 21, 2010

INTERNATIONAL PEACE DAY: Sept 21, 2010


Please spare a moment to reflect on the how we can actively promote a culture of peace in our communities, our nations and our world.


Read my reflections in "The Mark" on the conflict in the Congo and why the international community must do more to find lasting peace. Also read the reflections of other on other conflicts - Afghanistan, Israel-Palestine, Aboriginal people in Australia and the Kurdish Question.


Congo's Precious Peace


The war in the DRC officially ended in 2003. So why has the fighting not ceased?

To discuss the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo is to speak in superlatives. It is the widest interstate war in modern African history, drawing in at its height six countries and leaving an estimated four million people dead. It has been described as Africa’s World War and the world’s deadliest conflict since the end of the Second World War. Until recently, the United Nations peacekeeping mission in the country was the biggest UN operation in the world.

A resource-rich nation the size of Western Europe, the DR Congo has a long history of colonial repression, military dictatorship, and conflict. In the early 20th century, Belgian forces arrived and enslaved millions, while Belgium’s King Leopold ruled the country as his personal fiefdom. A painful struggle for independence that almost disintegrated the country was followed by the long and repressive reign of Joseph Mobutu, one of Africa’s most ruthless dictatorships.

The current conflict in the DR Congo is a legacy of this troubled history and centres on struggles for control of the nation’s vast reserves of diamonds, gold, copper, cobalt, and zinc. The stakes are high. What could easily have been one of Africa’s richest countries has suffered a devastating regional conflict involving several neighbouring countries and rebel factions. A UN report has accused all sides in the conflict of using the cover of the war to loot the country's riches.

An agreement in 2003 between the warring parties marked the formal end of war and the establishment of a democratic transitional government. However, lasting peace has remained elusive. Former warring parties have been reluctant to give up power to a centralized and neutral national administration. The transitional government has been unable to fully assert political and military control over the vast country. The east of the country remains plagued by army and militia violence. People in the Congo are still dying at a rate of an estimated 45,000 per month, mainly from widespread disease and famine. The death toll as a result of violent military, militant, and insurgent actions was estimated at more than 1,000 in 2009.

A major threat to peace in the DR Congo has been the government’s tendency to sacrifice justice and accountability for political expediency. It has largely turned a blind eye to warlords absorbed into the army widely accused of carrying out atrocities and running their own personal militias. The government has also not vigorously pursued justice for victims of war. So long as the government condones warlord atrocities and doesn’t punish them, impunity will continue to threaten peace and stability in the country.

International apathy is another impediment to finding lasting peace in the DR Congo. Although the country currently has one of the largest UN peacekeeping missions, the conflict has never commanded the level of international attention that it deserves. Even at its height, the war rarely made news headlines. The UN's peacekeeping mission has been in DR Congo for 10 years with a 20,000 personnel mandated to protect civilians and help in the reconstruction of the country. However, as the battles in the eastern part of the country have continued, the role of the UN forces has become increasingly murky. UN forces have been reluctant to intervene more actively to protect civilians from attacks. There have also been accusations of sex abuses and gold smuggling by peacekeepers.

The UN has now begun talks with the Congolese government to withdraw its peacekeeping mission by 2011 despite ongoing military operations in different parts of the country. The Congolese authorities have also been pushing for the withdrawal of UN peacekeepers. This does not portend well for the country. Given the fragile security situation, it is crucial to maintain the UN peacekeeping mission for the foreseeable future. There is real risk that the factionalized country may quickly slide back into violence amidst the political tensions of the presidential elections scheduled for late 2011.

What is urgently required is concerted pressure on both the Congolese government and the UN for a more constructive and engaged role for the international community. Such international engagement must go beyond peacekeeping to put in place mechanisms for sustainable peace building and transitional justice.

International Peace Day 2010: We must all wage Peace

Sep 10, 2010

I wrote this tribute in 1999 after the untimely death in a car crash of one of the most vibrant, energetic and socially conscious students I have encountered in my University teaching career. His name is Moses Oisakede. He was a medical student at Edo State University, Nigeria and a student activist who became the president of the largest student organization in Nigeria, if not in all Africa – the “National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS)” He died while travelling from to another University for a meeting of the Association. Eleven years after, Moses Oisakede remains fondly remembered by many who knew and admired him.

Tribute to Moses Oisakede

Until he became the president of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) about a year ago and his untimely death in a car accident recently, not many had heard of Moses Oisakede. He could have passed for any other Nigerian university student struggling to keep up with his academic work and the challenge of surviving on campus. But for those who knew Moses, his was a short but eventful life marked by an unwavering commitment to the cause of Nigerian students.

I first met Moses five years ago. Then, as a lecturer at the Edo State University (now Ambrose Alli University), where he was a second year medical student, he had approached me to become a staff patron of the Reformers Academy - an inter-campus organisation intended to mobilise Nigerian students towards greater political and social awareness, which he and others had formed. Given my previous experiences with students' organisations, I was initially reluctant to accept the invitation. But Moses, never one to take no for an answer, persisted.

To convince me that his was going to be a different organisation, he presented me with an ambitious but impressive proposal of how the Reformers Academy would become "the springboard for the social and intellectual emancipation of Nigerian students and workers". Indeed, under his leadership, the Reformers Academy became a melting pot of students' activism on campus. Through its regular public lectures, seminars and workshops, it became an influential forum at which both students and faculty addressed a variety of topical issues.

My association with the Reformers Academy was the beginning of a relationship with Moses which went beyond that of teacher and student. He became a friend and a trusted confidant. What first struck me about Moses was the sheer intensity and tenacity with which the young man carried his convictions. When sometime in 1996, he informed me that he intended to contest for the presidency of the University’s Students' Union, I had my apprehensions. Not that I had any doubts that Moses was eminently qualified for the position, but because knowing the kind of dedication he brought into anything he believed in, I feared that he would pursue the cause at the expense of his studies.

"How can you possibly combine students' union presidency with your studies as a medical student?", I recall asking him. His response was typical.
"Sir, I will do my best ...but you see, things have just got to change around here and we can't afford to just sit and watch". He would often remind me of his favourite Franz Fanon quote - "Out of relative obscurity, each generation must discover its mission, fulfil it or betray it". He believed that there was an urgent challenge to fulfil the mission of his generation.

Moses was subsequently elected president of the students' union putting, as I feared, all his time energy and resources into the office. His tenure as president is still fondly remembered by students at the Ambrose Alli University (then Edo State University) as the "Aluta era", an allusion to his uncompromising attitude with the authorities on student’s welfare.

Even as president of the EDSU students union, Moses was actively involved with NANS. As many of his colleagues in NANS would attest to, he was an advocate for unity and reconciliation at a time when the organisation was threatened with opportunism and factionalism. When, after his tenure as University’s Student Union president, he stood for election as NANS president, he was seen by many as a natural choice.

I met him soon after his election as NANS president and congratulated him. His mood was still upbeat. His response to my banters was typical of his humility and sense of duty.
"Congratulations, his excellency Mr. President", I teased.
"Ah, no sir. I am not his excellency ....just a servant of Nigerian students"
I persisted.
"Where is your mobile phone? (This was when mobile phones in Nigeria were the ultimate status symbol). The president of NANS should be entitled to a mobile phone"
"How will I justify such ostentation before the mass of impoverished Nigerian students?" he responded.

During our brief encounter, he spoke about his vision for NANS which were typically ambitious. He spoke about restoring the lost glory of NANS; reconciling the opposing factions within the organisation and bringing students and workers welfare back to the top of the national agenda. He also talked about linking up with students in other African countries in some sort of pan African students’ organisation.

Indeed, his tenure as NANS president was marked by characteristic activism. He was at the forefront of the fights against cultism in many campuses and was quite vocal in articulating the position of NAN on such contentious issues as the introduction of school fees in the universities. The fact that he died while on a peace mission to a University campus is, in many ways, a testimony of the commitment and dedication with which Moses carried the cause of Nigerian students.

Although he was only 28, Moses Oisakede in death as in life remains a symbol of the promise and potential of Nigerian youth. He may never have become a medical doctor or a biochemist as he so earnestly wished but in his commitment to the cause of Nigerian students, Moses has served the country as well as any doctor or biochemist ever could.

Bonny Ibhawoh
December 1999

Tribute to Moses Oisakede

Sep 8, 2010

I have been reading Desmond Tutu’s No Future without Forgiveness again after I first read it when it was published. It remains fresh, powerful and irresistible. For me, the most compelling part of the book is a letter written by one “Helena” to the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which Tutu reproduces in the book. It is a compelling story that brings a different angle to the pain of Apartheid.

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My story begins in my late teenage years as a farm girl in the Bethlehem district of the Eastern Free State. As an eighteen-year-old, I met a young man in his twenties. He was working in a top security structure. It was the beginning of a beautiful relationship. We even spoke about marriage. A bubbly, vivacious man who beamed out wild energy. Sharply intelligent. Even if he was an Englishman, he was popular with all the "Boere" Afrikaners. And all my girlfriends envied me. 'Then one day he said he was going on a "trip." "We won't see each other again . . . maybe never ever again." I was torn to pieces. So was he. An extremely short marriage to someone else failed, all because I married to forget.

More than a year ago, I met my first love again through a good friend. I was to learn for the first time that he had been operating overseas and that he was going to ask for amnesty. I can't explain the pain and bitterness in me when I saw what was left of that beautiful, big, strong person. He had only one desire-that the truth must come out. Amnesty didn't matter. It was only a means to the truth. A need to clean up. He was gruesomely plucked out of our lives at the beginning of the year. Was that the price he had to pay for what he believed in?

After my unsuccessful marriage, I met another policeman. Not quite my first love, but an exceptional person. Very special. Once again a bubbly, charming personality. Humorous, grumpy, everything in its time and place. 'Then he says: he and three of our friends have been promoted. "We're moving to a special unit. Now, now, my darling. We are real policemen now." We were ecstatic. We even celebrated.

He and his friends would visit regularly. 'They even stayed over for long periods. Suddenly, at strange times, they would become restless. Abruptly mutter the feared word "trip" and drive off I ... as a loved one ... knew no other life than that of worry, sleeplessness, anxiety about his safety and where they could be. We simply had to be satisfied with: "What you don't know can't hurt you." And all that we as loved ones knew . . . was what we saw with our own eyes.

After about three years with the Special Forces, our hell began. He became very quiet. Withdrawn. Sometimes he would just press his face into his hands and shake uncontrollably. I realized he was drinking too much. Instead of resting at night, he would wander from window to window. He tried to hide his wild, consuming fear, but I saw it.

In the early hours of the morning between two and half past two, I jolt awake from his rushed breathing. Rolls this way, that side of the bed. He's pale. Ice cold in a sweltering night-sopping wet with sweat. Eyes bewildered, but dull like the dead. And the shakes. 'The terrible convulsions and bloodcurdling shrieks of fear and pain from the bottom of his soul. Sometimes he sits motionless, just staring in front of him. I never understood. I never knew. Never realized what was being shoved down his throat during the "trips."

I just went through hell. Praying, pleading: "God, what's happening? What's wrong with him? Could he have changed so much? Is he going mad? I can't handle the man anymore! But I can't get out. He's going to haunt me for the rest of my life if I leave him. Why, God?" 'Today I know the answers to all my questions and heartache.

I know where everything began, the background. 'The role of "those at the top," the "cliques" and "our men" who simply had to carry out their bloody orders . . . like "vultures." And today they all wash their hands in innocence and resist the realities of the 'Truth Commission.

Yes, I stand by my murderer who let me and the old white South Africa sleep peacefully. Warmly, while "those at the top" were again targeting the next "permanent removal from Society" for the vultures.

I finally understand what the struggle was really about. I would have done the same had I been denied everything. If my life, that of my children and my parents was strangled with legislation. If I had to watch how white people became dissatisfied with the best and still wanted better and got it.

I envy and respect the people of the struggle at least their leaders have the guts to stand by their vultures, to recognize their sacrifices. What do we have? Our leaders are too holy and innocent. And faceless. I can understand if Mr. de Klerk says he didn't know, but dammit, there must be a clique, there must be someone out there who is still alive and who can give a face to "the orders from above" for all the operations. Dammit! What else can this abnormal life be other than a cruel human rights violation? Spiritual murder is more inhumane than a messy, physical murder.

At least a murder victim rests. I wish I had the power to make these poor wasted people whole again. I wish I could wipe the old South Africa out of everyone's past. I end with a few lines that my wasted vulture said to me one night: "'They can give me amnesty a thousand times. Even if God and everyone else forgives me a thousand times-I have to live with this hell. 'The problem is in my head, my conscience. 'There's only one way to be free of it. Blow my own brains out. Because that's where my hell is."

Helena

P.S. 'Thank you for your time. 'Thank you for listening to the story of a loved one out of the old South Africa. For sharing her pain.

A Story from South Africa

Aug 28, 2010

While I do not agree with all his ideas, I share some of Thomas Pains' skepticism about organized religion. Pain is not my favourite enlightenment philosopher but there is something appealing about his defiant, skeptical, even cynical approach to what he calls the “tyranny of religion.” It is estimated that eighty percent of all human conflicts throughout history have some links (direct or indirect) with religion. Whether religious beliefs are the roots of war or simply a contributory factor, you’ve got to admit that much pain and suffering have resulted from religious dogma. Unlike Karl Marx who dismisses religion as the “opium of the people,” Thomas Pain's approach to religion is more nuanced and engaged. His keen questioning deserves attention if not agreement.

Is it not a species of blasphemy to call the New Testament revealed religion, when we see in it such contradictions and absurdities? -- Thomas Paine

Of all the tyrannies that affect mankind, tyranny in religion is the worst. -- Thomas Paine

That God cannot lie, is no advantage to your argument, because it is no proof that priests cannot, or that the Bible does not. -- Thomas Paine

Pondering Thomas Pain on Religion

Aug 23, 2010



A bullied "one-armed youngster" drafted a world-changing document ...

A central figure in the development of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was a Canadian. John Peters Humphrey, a professor of law at McGill University was instrumental in bringing human rights to international attention in the 20th century.

In 1946, he was appointed as the first Director of the Human Rights Division in the United Nations Secretariat, where he was a principal drafter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Together with a small group gathered in Eleanor Roosevelt's New York City apartment, Humphrey set about drafting a world-changing document. But until recently, his role in crafting the UDHR remained unrecognized. Thankfully the new Canadian Museum of Human Rights is doing much to draw attention to the extraordinary life and work of John Humphrey.

An interesting aspect of John Humphrey’s life story is his early life experience which was to become the foundation of his moral and ethical conviction. Personal tragedy influenced Humphrey's outlook on life. He lost his left arm at age six and was orphaned by 11, all the while victimized by bullies at school. These experiences forged within him a deep sympathy for human suffering and a commitment to protecting the vulnerable. As Humphrey himself put it in an interview in 1988:

“It was pretty tough as a youngster having only one arm. Other kids used to taunt me… and I’d lose my cool and get into fights. It’s tough for a youngster who is incapacitated. Children can be cruel. But I survived the fights and these early experiences taught me about injustices and the need for Human Rights.”

I have always believed that personal experiences of suffering and discrimination have a way of instilling in one, a sense of empathy towards the suffering of others. John Humphrey’s life is an eloquent testimony to this fact.

Humphrey requested that he be buried in a rural cemetery in Hampton, New Brunswick, Canada where he was born. Nelson Mandela heralded him as, "the father of the modern human rights system." (Thanks for the information, B. Lynch)

John Humphrey: The man behind the UDHR

Aug 22, 2010


I have just finished reading an interesting and compelling essay by a graduate student on the link between the challenges in public education and the prospects for reconstruction in post-conflict societies. Focusing on post-genocide Rwanda, the essay sought to answer questions about the causes of identity-based violence, the role of historical narratives in producing identities, and the role that schooling can play in mitigating the power of divisive identities and narratives in post-conflict societies. The student argues that exposure to multiple historical narratives and the teaching of critical thinking skills is essential to mitigating the power of any single historical narrative. One part of the essay in particular caught my eye:

Schools have been sites for the dissemination of propaganda, for the cementing of divisive identities and politics, for the repression of dissent and for the carrying out of atrocities. Before the 1994 Rwandan genocide, for example, it was common for students to learn about ethnic divisions from their teachers. Many children arrived at school not knowing their ethnicity, but, because the government collected data on this through the schools, children were required to know and state their ethnicity in front of the class: “The teacher told us we were not the same: he compared our heights and noses. Then our class was divided: long noses on one side, flat noses on the other. We had not been aware of our ethnic identity... but after this incident we no longer played together with banana leaf footballs” (in Hodgkin, “Reconciliation in Rwanda: Education, History and the Stat,” Journal of International Affairs, p.201).

It is, for me, a reminder that schools and institutions of learning have historically been complicit in genocides and mass murderer. The more reasons why we much all pay to close attention not only to school curricula but also to the agendas and orientations of those who teach in our schools.

Schools and Genocide: Hate in the Classroom

Aug 10, 2010




Human Rights in Canada: Promises, Failures and Prospects

Aug 1, 2010

After decades of campaign and advocacy the Convention on Cluster Munitions finally takes effect today (August 1, 2010). The international treaty prohibits the use of cluster bomb – a weapon containing multiple – often hundreds – of small explosive submunitions or bomblets. Countries that ratify the convention will be obliged never under
any circumstances to use cluster munitions, develop or stockpile them.

Because they are scattered over large land masses, cluster bombs kill and maim innocent victims long after war is over. They explode in the hands of children who pick them up to play with thinking they are toys. They make roads, farmlands and playground unusable.

Like the 1997 Ottawa Treaty to ban landmines, the Convention on Cluster Munitions is the product of the hardwork and dedication of thousands of citizen activists and NGOs around the world who have campaigned tirelessly to abolish this inhuman and devastating weapon of warfare.

Kudos to two organizations in particular that have been at the forefront of the campaign to ban cluster bombs:

Stop Cluster Munitions

Ceasefire

But while we celebrate this success, let us remember that there is still much work to be done. Although 38 countries have ratified the Convention and another 70 have signed but not yet ratified it (as at August 1, 2010), there are a few countries that have chosen not to do the right thing and sign this treaty. The campaign must continue to name and shame the leaders of these recalcitrant countries into signing the Convention.

Here is the list of shame -- 8 countries that are major producers or users of cluster bombs that have not yet signed the Convention.

United States

Russia

China

India

Israel

Pakistan

Brazil

Global Treaty Bans the use of Cluster Bombs

Jul 11, 2010


I first read one of Basil Davidson's many books as a high school student in the 1980s. Even then, it made an immediate impact. His narrative and analyses of African history and politics were lucid as they were compelling. Whether critiquing the tyranny of European colonialism in Africa or the hypocrisy and ineptitude of post-colonial African leaders, Basil Davidson wrote about Africa like someone who really cared. His passion for the continent was inescapable. As an undergraduate student, no essay of mine was complete without a sprinkling of quotations and anecdotes from Basil Davidson. For my students, he remains compulsory reading and his landmark TV documentary "Africa" is a must-see.

Although I never had the privilege of meeting him, Basil Davidson, perhaps more than any other scholar, living on dead, has had the most profound and enduring impact on my scholarship and my perspectives on the continent.
Here is a fitting tribute to the man, the scholar and the sage from the Guardian:

Basil Davidson obituary
Radical journalist and historian who charted the death throes of colonialism in Africa

Victoria Brittain
guardian.co.uk, Friday 9 July 2010

http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2010/jul/09/basil-davidson-obituary

Basil Davidson, who has died aged 95, was a radical journalist in the great anti-imperial tradition, and became a distinguished historian of pre-colonial Africa. An energetic and charismatic figure, he was dropped behind enemy lines during the second world war and joined that legendary band of British soldiers who fought with the partisans in Yugoslavia and in Italy. Years later, he was the first reporter to travel with the guerrillas fighting the Portuguese in Angola and Guinea-Bissau, and brought their struggle to the world's attention.

For many years he was at the centre of the campaigns for Africa's liberation from colonialism and apartheid, endlessly addressing meetings and working on committees. Extremely tall and with a shock of white hair, and possessing the old-fashioned courtesy of the ex-army officer that he was – or even of the country gentleman that he eventually became after his move to the West Country – he was an unlikely figure at many of these often incoherent and sometimes sectarian events, usually run by student activists and exiles.

Among his friends were the historians Thomas Hodgkin, EP Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm. The Palestinian scholar Edward Said placed him in a select band of western artists and intellectuals with a sympathy and comprehension of foreign cultures that meant that they had "in effect, crossed to the other side".

Born in Bristol, Davidson left school at 16, determined to become a writer, though he first made his living by pasting advertisements for bananas on shop windows in the north of England. Moving to London, he found his way into journalism, working for the Economist and then as the diplomatic correspondent of the Star, a now defunct London evening paper.

In the late 1930s he travelled widely in Italy and in central Europe, and his familiarity with its geography and his capacity to learn its languages made him an obvious candidate, when the war broke out, for the Special Operations Executive – seeking to undermine the Nazi regime from within. His self-reliance, and lack of interest in received wisdom, soon marked him out. When sent out to Budapest, to stimulate the resistance forces in Hungary, he crossed swords with the British ambassador, who ordered him to stop storing plastic explosives in the embassy cellar.

In Cairo, he worked on plans to drop agents into Yugoslavia, first to the royalists and then, after much internal argument, to Tito's communist guerrillas. Davidson was eventually parachuted into Yugoslavia himself, to join the communists in the uncompromising territory of the Vojvodina, the plain of the Danube valley across from Hungary. There, his exceptional physical strength and bravery were tested to the utmost.

When he returned to Yugoslavia at the end of the war, his companion on the visit, Kingsley Martin, editor of the New Statesman, recorded how "as we entered the villages, people would run out crying 'Nicola, Nicola!' (Davidson's partisan name) and, after kissing him on the cheek, carry us both into their houses, where it was hard without offence to avoid getting drunk on Slivovitza."

Davidson fought in Yugoslavia from August 1943 to November 1944, then transferred to the Ligurian hills of northern Italy. He and his partisan band seized Genoa before the arrival of American or British forces.

The war years marked him for ever. He fell in love with the comradeship, the trust and the spiritual force of endurance in the service of an ideal that he found with the guerrilla fighters. The lessons he learned about the muddle of war were important for his later work in Africa. In Angola and Guinea-Bissau in the early 1970s, and in Eritrea almost 20 years later, he found those same life forces and loved them. The subjective nature of his response to this history in the making, to deep friendships made and lost, made very painful the eventual unravelling of so much that he believed in.

The political lessons were less personally rewarding, since his willingness to collaborate with communists in battle would lead him in later life to be labelled by the Foreign Office as a dangerous "fellow traveller". Davidson had never been attracted to Marxism, but his wartime experiences with Communist partisans coloured his general attitude towards the cold war struggle, first in Europe and later in Africa. If communists were prepared to fight against the Nazis, or later against South African apartheid and Portuguese colonialism, that caused him no problems.

At the end of the war, a lieutenant-colonel awarded the Military Cross and twice mentioned in dispatches, he turned again to journalism, working first for the Times as one of its correspondents in Paris and then as chief foreign leader writer in London. Out of tune at the Times, and especially unhappy with the western intervention that crushed the communist partisans in Greece, he left in 1949 to work for three years as the secretary of the Union of Democratic Control (UDC), the campaigning foreign affairs organisation set up by ED Morel during the first world war.

At the same time he joined the staff of the New Statesman, where he was soon viewed as Martin's heir apparent. It was not to be. At both the UDC and the New Statesman, he earned the undying hatred of Dorothy Woodman, Martin's companion, and was accused of being a fellow traveller – "or worse". Unable to return as a journalist to the Balkans, because of the cold war, he was taken by chance to Africa, and the continent soon caught his imagination, never to let go. Then, through an invitation from a group of South African trade unionists, he met Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo and other leaders of the African National Congress, about to launch its campaign of defiance against the apartheid laws of the Nationalist government.

Injustice, western hypocrisy and a whiff of revolution were enough to get him firmly engaged: later, from 1969 to 1985, he was a vice-president of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain. He produced an important series about his African journey for the New Statesman, and then wrote a book about the crimes of apartheid. Soon he was listed as a "prohibited immigrant", both in South Africa and in other parts of white-ruled Africa. That area of work was now closed for him.

So too was the New Statesman. On his return, Martin told him he was "proud to publish the articles, [but] if you have to hive off to another paper, I shall obviously understand".

When he was offered a job as an editor at Unesco, the British government vetoed his appointment. Again, it was alleged that he was a fellow traveller, and that his articles were quoted consistently in Moscow. Doubtless they were, since they were very good, and Soviet reporters had even less access to Africa than those from the west. Far from being soft on communists, Davidson was accused during the treason trial of László Rajk in Hungary in 1949 of being an agent of the British secret service, as indeed he had been.

Davidson was rescued by the Daily Herald (1954-57) and then taken up by Hugh Cudlipp at the Daily Mirror (1959-62). Encouraged to take an interest in the Mirror's publishing activities in Nigeria, Davidson made regular annual journeys through west, central and east Africa on the brink of independence from colonialism. Soon he was plunged deep into unwritten African history.

For a family man with three small sons, this was not an ideal profession. It was unfashionable, badly paid and meant long periods away from home. Davidson was no longer a journalist, yet nor was he a tenured academic. His wife, Marion Young, whom he had married during the war – she had also worked in SOE in Italy – somehow held their life together.

Books now began to pour out. The self-taught Davidson had an elegant prose style, at home with both fact and fiction. He wrote five novels and more than 30 other books. These were mainly about African history and included classic textbooks still in use in both east and west Africa. Davidson was enthused early on by the end of British colonialism and the prospects of pan-Africanism in the 1960s, and he wrote copiously and with warmth about newly independent Ghana and its leader, Kwame Nkrumah. He went to work for a year at the University of Accra in 1964.

Later he threw himself into the reporting of the African liberation wars in the Portuguese colonies, particularly in Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau. Following in the steps of the great campaigning journalist Henry Nevinson, who had reported from Angola in 1905, he made an epic journey on foot half a century later that took him into the liberated areas of eastern Angola with the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola. The MPLA became the government at independence in 1975 and the epicentre of the cold war struggle in Africa.

Over the years the elaborate, CIA-run propaganda campaigns in favour of the MPLA's main rival movement, Unita, led by Jonas Savimbi and aided by the secret invasions of the apartheid regime, frequently stumbled against Davidson's authoritative counter-version. His scorn for the mainstream journalism that swallowed the western line on Angola was legendary. On Rhodesia, too, both the media and British government's equivocation and connivance with South Africa's support for the white regime found no more scathing critic than Davidson.

In the 1980s, with most of the African liberation wars now won – except for South Africa's – Davidson turned much of his attention to more theoretical questions about the future of the nation state in Africa. He remained a passionate advocate of pan-Africanism. In 1988 he made a long and dangerous journey into Eritrea, writing a persuasive defence of the nationalists' right to independence from Ethiopia, and an equally eloquent attack on the revolutionary leader Colonel Mengistu and the regime that had overthrown Haile Selassie. Davidson was invited to Havana to discuss the long-running Ethiopia-Eritrean war after the Cubans threw their weight behind Africa's latest revolution. He was irritated by the personal enthusiasm of Fidel Castro for Mengistu, and by the large numbers of Cuban troops sent to help him in his border war against Somalia – although they did not fight in Eritrea. Davidson expressed no surprise at Cuba taking on a new African protege, but he retained his own unfavourable view of Mengistu.

The eventual turn towards repressive government taken by his friends in the Eritrean leadership, when other leaders to whom he had been close were imprisoned in Asmara, was a sad rerun of a similar political trajectory he had witnessed in post-independence Angola. He did not like talking over these matters, but he did not disguise his disappointment. Critics from the right were swift to condemn the early judgments that he had made about these revolutions that had turned sour, and even some of his friends would have welcomed more debate.

In 1984 Davidson embarked on a new career in television, making Africa, an eight-part history series for Channel 4. He was excellent on screen, bringing to an unexpectedly wide audience a vision of Africa far from the usual famine-and-corruption cliches that annoyed him so much. His alternate version of African reality reached further and deeper than he had imagined possible, though he continued to write, producing notably The Black Man's Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State (1992); the collection of essays The Search for Africa (1994); and his final book, West Africa Before the Colonial Era: A History to 1850 (1998).

He received honorary degrees and appointments from many universities, including Edinburgh, Birmingham, Bristol, Manchester, Turin, Ghana and California, and was also decorated by Portugal and Cape Verde for his services to their history. Apart from his military medals, the British state was studiously uninterested in recognising his talents and his service.

He relished the irony of being decorated with great warmth in 2002 by the prime minister of Portugal – once an activist against the fascist regime that Davidson had done so much to bring down. And when the Cape Verde government chose to decorate him in 2003 in an Angolan embassy where the ambassador was a former prominent official of his old opponent Unita, he remarked drily on the surprising reconciliations demanded of those who live long enough.

He is survived by Marion and his sons.

• Basil Risbridger Davidson, historian and campaigner, born 9 November 1914; died 9 July 2010

Basil Davidson: Obituary

 
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