Nov 21, 2010

I feel compelled to remind my friends, colleagues and students that Ubuntu is not just an open-source computer operating system. Even more important than the operating system is the original meaning of the term.

Ubuntu is a African humanist and ethical philosophy which affirms people’s interdependence and relations with each other. The essence of Ubuntu is captured in the following quotes.

“A person is a person through (other) persons”
-- African Proverb.

“Ubuntu is to say, ‘my humanity is caught up, is inextricably bound up, in yours.’ We belong to a family bundle.”
--- Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

“A person with Ubuntu is open and available to others, affirming of others, does not feel threatened that others are able and good, for he or she has a proper self-assurance that comes from knowing that he or she belongs in a greater whole and is diminished when others are humiliated or diminished, when others are tortured or oppressed.”
-- Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

My neighbour and I have the same origins / We have the same life-experience and a common destiny / We are the obverse and reverse sides of one entity /We are unchanging equals /We are the faces which see themselves in each other / We are mutually fulfilling compliments / We are simultaneously legitimate values... /I am sovereign of my life / My neighbour is sovereign of his life; Society is a collective sovereignty /It exists to ensure that my neighbour and I realize the promise of being human.
---Zulu aphorism.

What is Ubuntu?

Nov 17, 2010

Chris Dolan, Social Torture: The Case of Northern Uganda, 1986-2006. New York & Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2009. xiv + 338.

In Social Torture, Chris Dolan seeks to complicate our understanding of the protracted conflict in Northern Uganda. Though typically portrayed as a military conflict between the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the government, Dolan argues that the conflict is better understood as a form of “social torture” that has maintained local population in a position of subordinate inclusion. The book shows how, alongside the activities of the Lord’s Resistance Army, government decisions and actions on the ground, consolidated by humanitarian interventions and silences have played a central role in creating and sustaining a massive yet little recognized humanitarian crisis.

Dolan questions the seriousness of the Ugandan government in its stated intentions of finding a solution to the war. The rebels, he argues, could have been overcome with a coherent military strategy that did not alienate large number of civilians. The point of the prolonged and intense suffering was not so much to defeat the insurgency as to send a sharp message to the members of the Acholi parts of the country.

At times, the conflict between the Government’s stubborn insistence on seeking a military solution, and the equally strong resistance to this from civil society actors, appear to be as important as the conflict they all purported to be seeking a solution to. The result is that individuals and the society as a whole came to exhibit symptoms typical of torture.

In Dolan’s interpretation of the conflict, the key actors cannot simply be reduced to perpetrators and victims. The category of perpetrator is further unpacked revealing visible perpetrators and complicit bystanders. Visible perpetrators include the government and the LRA. Less visible but no less complicit actors are donor governments, multilateral organizations, churches and NGOs.

For someone whose account of the conflict derives from working with an international NGO, Dolan is particularly scathing in his criticism of the role of NGOs in the conflict. He argues that like doctors in a torture situation, they appear to be there to ease the suffering of victims, but in reality they enable the process to be prolonged by keeping the victim alive for further abuse. Doing this serves some economic, political and psychological functions for both perpetrators and bystanders alike.

The book also offers a persuasive critique of public discourses on the conflict and their accompanying silences. By focusing loudly on some elements of the situation and keeping silent on others, public discourses serve to fragment and thus divert attention from the bigger picture. The discourse of the conflict and its silences are therefore themselves a form of violence.

One of the more interesting aspects of the book is the analysis of the gendered consequences of the conflict in Chapter 7. The author argues that although the war consolidated expectations of hegemonic masculinity, it simultaneously undermined men’s lived experiences of their own masculinity, thereby aggravating a process set in motion by colonialism.

Social Torture is a detailed and well researched book; perhaps too detailed in parts. The book could have done with less of the laborious methodological discussion that takes up much of the first two chapters.

Dolan acknowledges that his construction of social torture may raise concerns as to whether the integrity and condemnatory power of the term “torture” will be weakened, either conceptually or in terms of action taken against its perpetrators. He is convinced that it will not, but not everyone will agree.

He critiques as narrow and legalistic, the explicit emphasis on intentionality in the definition of torture in the UN Torture Convention. People’s behaviour, he argues, are not reducible to the intentionality that lies at the heart of the Convention definition of torture. However, one can argue that it is precisely that narrowness hinged on intentionality that gives the concept of torture its relevance and efficacy. Like “social genocide” or “cultural genocide,” the concept of “social torture” risks diluting the potency of the original concept. Torture, as a human rights concept, loses its meaning if used to describe every act of pain and suffering whether inflicted intentionally or not.

In all, Social Torture is a welcome study. By drawing on firsthand experience, the author brings a rare insider perspective to his analysis of the conflict. To this extent, Dolan largely succeeds in his stated aim of crafting a resilient counter-narrative to mainstream discourses about the conflict in Northern Uganda.

"Social Torture" in Northern Uganda

Nov 15, 2010

Sooner or later, even the most hardened dictators must cave in to the determined resolve of a people's yearning for freedom and democracy...

After fifteen years of house arrest, Burma has released Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, an outspoken proponent against the military dictatorship that has subjugated her country.

Appearing outside her home in Rangoon, Ms Suu Kyi told thousands of jubilant supporters they had to "work in unison" to achieve their goals.

The Nobel Peace Prize winner has been detained for 15 of the past 21 years. It is not yet clear if any conditions have been placed on her release.

US President Barack Obama welcomed her release as "long overdue".

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said Ms Suu Kyi was an "inspiration", and called on Burma to free all its remaining political prisoners.

The decision to free 65-year-old Ms Suu Kyi comes six days after the political party supported by the military government won the country's first election in 20 years. The ballot was widely condemned as a sham.

Suu Kyi has previously said that she would not negotiate for any release that came with conditions, such as preventing her from running for office. However, it is doubtful that the ruling generals would have granted freedom to Suu Kyi unless they felt confident that she posed little to no threat to their position. With the questionable results from the last election, it should be interesting to see how the Burmese now react to the symbol of democratic resistance in their country walking among them.

Burma Releases Nobel Laureate Suu Kyi After 15 Years Of House Arrest

Nov 11, 2010

Here is one of those human rights “grey area” stories that one encounters every now and again. Apparently, some airlines will not let men sit with unaccompanied minors they do not know. While I understand the obligation of airlines to protect children placed in their care, asking a man to leave his seat for the only reason that he is a man, goes beyond the bounds of prudent action. Move the kid if you must but the implicit suggestion that all men are potential abusers and perverts clearly raises serious ethical and human rights concerns.

By David Parker Brown, on July 1st, 2010 at 8:55 am

Making sure children flying under the care of an airline are not preyed upon is extremely important. So is making sure that a person’s individual rights are not taken away from them and made to feel like a criminal.

Recently, passenger Mirko Fischer took British Airways to court for forcing him to move seats because he was sitting next to a young child.

Fischer originally had the window seat, but switched with his pregnant wife, so she could see out the window (what a gentleman). This changed caused him to be sitting next to a young unaccompanied minor and the flight crew made him change his seat. The airline told him that they ban male passengers from sitting next to children they do not know.

The passenger did not feel this treatment was right and left him feeling, “embarrassed, humiliated and angry.” He took British Airways to court for “loss of damage and injury to his feelings.”

“This policy is branding all men as perverts for no reason,” Fischer said. “They accuse you of being some kind of child molester just because you are sitting next to someone.”

Fischer won his case and was paid $3712.00 in costs and $1288.00 in damages. He didn’t pocket the money however. He donated his payout and $3865.00 of his own money to two different child protection charities.

British Airways is currently reviewing the policy, but still states the rule is not discriminatory.

Parents put their children into care of an airline to make sure they are kept safe during their flight. But is it ok to keep all men away from children because of this? I say no.

If the flight crew has any reason to assume that a passenger is not acting appropriately, then yes, it is their duty to move the child. However, it is not ok to discriminate against a passenger just because of a fear of inappropriate behavior. Would it be ok to not sit a child next to someone of a particular race or religion because they are more likely to molest a child?

I have heard of other airlines having similar policies. The concept of these policies is to keep children safe, which is very important, but not at the expense of discriminating against other passengers.

To Sit or not to Sit

Nov 4, 2010

"There is never a convenient time to protest against injustice"

When I think about human rights in Australia, I don't unsually think "movies." But out of Australia comes a great documentary about the the meaning of true courage and power of moral conviction. "SALUTE is the story of how a white Australian sprinter became a hero in black America, even as he was virtually written out of the annals of Australia’s Olympic history. On one level, it is a story of real idealism, the youthful sort that the Olympics are supposed to be about; on another, it’s about the corruption and betrayal of those ideals in the way the Olympics are actually run."

I don't know how readily availbale this move is outside Australia, but I highly recommend it for anyone interested in issues of human rights and social justice. 4 stars out of 5.

Watch a Documentaray Trailer


Peter Norman didn’t actually do very much, except run the race of his life in the men’s 200-metre track final in Mexico in October 1968. He came second in 20.06 seconds, which is still the fastest time any Australian has run the distance, and half a second faster than anything he had run before.

The winner was Tommie Smith, a tall black American from Texas. Third was John Carlos, another tall black American. The race itself was worth a documentary because it was full of drama, controversy and psychological warfare, much of it practised by the extremely crafty Norman, but it’s what happened afterwards that everyone remembers.

Smith and Carlos turned on the victory dais and raised a gloved fist in a Black Power salute, as Norman stood beside them. He was the white guy in the photograph that made front page all round the world the next day. Everyone soon forgot his name, except Smith and Carlos, a lot of other black American athletes, and a couple of Australian Olympic officials.

In practical terms, all Norman did was wear a badge that simply said “Olympic Project for Human Rights”, an organisation made up largely of African-American athletes protesting against racism in sport. In 1967, the project had proposed that all black American athletes boycott the Mexico Olympics, a move that never came off. Wearing their badge was choosing a side, though.

The film makes clear why Norman chose that side. He was a devout Christian, raised in the Salvation Army. There is a picture of him at the time, a handsome, open-faced young man with sandy hair, in a tracksuit that says “Jesus saves”. He believed passionately in equality for all, regardless of colour, creed or religion – the Olympic code.

A few minutes before the victory ceremony, the two black runners told Norman what they were planning to do. He told them he agreed, which surprised them. Norman asked what he could do in support; he didn’t think it would be appropriate to raise his fist, so they borrowed a badge from an American rower. All three winners wore the badges on the dais.Afterwards, when all hell broke loose and Smith and Carlos were sent home, banned for life by an apoplectic president of the International Olympic Committee, Avery Brundage, the media asked Norman if he supported them. He said he did, and he criticised the White Australia Policy. Big mistake.
Julius (Judy) Patching, the manager of the Australian Olympic team, cautioned him at the Olympics, but Australian officials reserved their real punishment for later.

In 1972, despite being the fifth-fastest man in the world over 200 metres, Norman was left out of Australia’s team for the Munich Olympics. They took no sprinters at all, rather than take him. Even 28 years later, as every extant Australian Olympian was said to have been invited to the 2000 Sydney Olympics, they still managed to forget to invite him.

One of the most telling aspects of Salute is that even in 2000, many black American athletes had not forgotten. They flew Norman to Sydney and made him a guest of honour at Michael Johnson’s birthday party.

Johnson, still the fastest man ever over 200 metres, hugged him on their first meeting and told him he was a personal hero.

Salute could easily be seen as the worst kind of hagiography, because it’s Matt Norman’s tribute to his uncle, Peter. There’s certainly a lot of misty-eyed emotion, pushed to breaking point by an overused score, and it’s made worse by Norman’s reluctance to leave anything out – even badly recorded sound and image – but that’s beside the point. Even though Peter Norman was a bystander to history, the eddies of that history are far richer than we might have expected, and Matt Norman manages to find them all.

The film has an extraordinary sense of the moral intricacies of the situation, and the hypocrisies. Peter Norman could have chosen not to stand up that day. The other two warned him, because they were concerned he might suffer backlash, which indeed he did. He was then forgotten; rubbed out, in fact, by the grubby little men who always seem to end up running the Olympics.

Most Australians only heard of Peter Norman when two very tall black men turned up for his funeral in Melbourne in 2006. The film is finally incredibly moving because of their testimony. Here, just in time, is a great lesson in what the Olympics are supposed to be about.

Paul Byrnes, Sydney Morning Herald, July 17, 2008

SALUTE: A Story of Youth, Idealism and Courage

 
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