Showing posts with label slavery. Show all posts
Showing posts with label slavery. Show all posts

Apr 24, 2018


Like their US counterparts, Canadian universities are coming to terms with unsettling parts of their histories. In recent weeks two of the country’s oldest universities - Dalhousie University and the University of King’s College - both in Nova Scotia, have announced scholarly inquiries into their institutional links with slavery. 

Slavery existed in the East Coast province until the Slavery Abolition Act of 1834 which abolished slavery throughout the British Empire, including Canada, then British North America.

Dalhousie University’s panel will research the controversial views and actions of its founder, George Ramsay, the 9th Earl of Dalhousie, on race, racism and slavery. Lord Dalhousie reportedly described black refugees who fled the United States during and following the War of 1812 as “slaves by habitat and education.” He also made efforts to have them removed from Nova Scotia. 

The president of the University of King’s College states that the task of his university’s panel is to examine the institution’s past in an open and honest way in order to make the school as welcoming as it can to people of diverse communities, including those from the local African-Nova Scotian community.

These inquiries follow similar developments in U.S. universities such as Columbia, Princeton, Yale, Harvard and the University of Virginia that have acknowledged and addressed their institutional links with slavery. In his book, Ebony and Ivy, historian Craig Wilder shows how slavery benefited universities financially and through the labor of those enslaved. 

Slavery also influenced the intellectual development of universities, shaping pedagogy and curriculum over a century. The American campus, Wilder argues, “stood as a silent monument to slavery.”

Until recently, these hard questions have not been asked of Canadian universities. As an African-Canadian historian who teaches slavery in a Canadian university, I have found this silence unsettling from both personal and professional standpoints. However, as someone with ties to both Dalhousie University and King’s University, I’m pleased that these institutions have taken the first step in what I hope will be a trend among other Canadian universities historically linked with slavery.

In the era of truth and reconciliation, Canadian universities must strive to create spaces for conversations about their historical connections with institutional racism and the institution of slavery. The quest for diverse, inclusive, and welcoming campuses should begin with open discussions about the historical role of universities in profiting from, and sustaining systems of oppression of indigenous people, African-Canadians and other minorities.

Although, universities have been silent on these issues, histories of exclusion resonate deeply within minority communities. As a graduate student at Dalhousie University in the late 1990s, I took many of my classes in the Henry Hicks Building, an imposing masterpiece of Victorian stone architecture with an iconic clock tower. 

As I walked through its grand halls, I often wondered what Lord Dalhousie who invested his treasure to establish the University would have thought of my place at the institution. I also often wondered how much of the treasure that went into building the university came from unacknowledged slave labor.

I have fond memories of my tenure as Residence Don of Cochran Bay at the University of King’s College. It was not a very diverse community, but I found it warm and friendly. I enjoyed living among and superintending over a cohort of boisterous teenagers. As was the university’s Oxbridge tradition, we had formal meals at the common dining room in academic gowns where grace was said in Latin. 

But even then, as a newcomer to Canada, I wondered why African-Nova Scotians, whose ancestry in the community date back to 1605, were not more represented in that beautiful campus. I also wondered why indigenous and African-Nova Scotian faces were not at all represented in the many portraits of former university chancellors, presidents, and distinguished professors that lined the hallowed halls of the university.

The initiatives by both Dalhousie University and the University of King’s College might help begin the conversation that provides answers to these questions. A first step would be acknowledging that some institutions of learning in Canada and the institution of slavery share an interconnected history. 

These will be difficult conversations sometimes, leading to equally difficult decisions. Some feathers may be ruffled in the process. In the U.S., the debate has led to calls to take down statues of slave-owning and slave-trading university founders, erect memorials to enslaved persons, rename building, and redesign university insignia. But it is a conversation that we must have in our universities and beyond, if the goal of building inclusive campuses that are welcoming to all is to be achieved.

"A Silent Monument to Slavery": The Ivory Tower confronts its Past

Dec 10, 2010

New York, Dec 10 2010 12:05PM

As the United Nations system gears up to celebrate 2011 as the “International Year for People of African Descent,” Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon delivered an impassioned plea today to the world community to eradicate racism once and for all.

"The international community cannot accept that whole communities are marginalized because of the colour of their skin," he told an event at UN Headquarters in New York to launch the Year. "People of African descent are among those most affected by racism. Too often, they face denial of basic rights such as access to quality health services and education. Such fundamental wrongs have a long and terrible history.

"The international community has affirmed that the transatlantic slave trade was an appalling tragedy not only because of its barbarism but also because of its magnitude, organized nature and negation of the essential humanity of the victims.

"Even today, Africans and people of African descent continue to suffer the consequences of these acts," he added, calling for their full integration into social, economic and political life and at all levels of decision-making.

The General Assembly proclaimed the Year in December 2009 in a resolution citing the need to strengthen national actions and regional and international cooperation to ensure that people of African descent fully enjoy economic, cultural, social, civil and political rights, to advance their integration into all political, economic, social and cultural aspects of society, and to promote a greater knowledge of and respect for their diverse heritage and culture.

"As the Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms, 'all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights,'" Mr. Ban said. "If we are to make those words real, then we must eradicate racism once and for all. The success of the International Year requires concerted efforts across the United Nations system and at the regional and national levels, with the widest possible engagement and participation."
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For more details go to UN News Centre athttp://www.un.org/news

ON EVE OF YEAR FOR PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT, BAN CALLS FOR FINAL END TO RACISM

May 15, 2010

As is becoming his style, Prof. Henry Louis Gates has offered a provocative exposé into the debate over reparations for slavery in the United States. He argues that “while we are all familiar with the role played by the United States and the European colonial powers like Britain, France, Holland, Portugal and Spain, there is very little discussion of the role Africans themselves played.”

But as others have noted, despite Mr. Gates' contention that "there is very little discussion" of this fact, it hardly qualifies as news; today, virtually every history of slavery and every American history textbook includes this information.

Much of Gates' arguments are valid. I do see the need for a frank and open debate about the role of Africans in the discourse on reparations for slavery.

What I find problematic, however, is that as he does in his television series, Gates tends to reinforce the erroneous assumption that African “brothers and sisters” were selling off each other to the Europeans. True, African middlemen traders sold other peoples of African descent to the European slave traders but did these middlemen see the slaves they sold as their “brothers” and “sisters?” For the most part, they did not. They saw them as enemies, war captives and foreigners. The myth of a monolithic African identity is a construct that stands in the way of proper understanding and contextualization of the role of Africans in the Atlantic slave trade.

When I teach the Atlantic Slave trade to my undergraduate students, one of the questions I frequently get is: “How could Africans have sold other Africans as slaves to the Europeans?” My standard response comes in the form of another question: “How could German Europeans have murdered 6 million innocent fellow Europeans in the 1940s?”

My students’ familiarity with European history enables them to offer cogent answers: The murderers were only a few Nazis, not all Europeans; it happened in the context of war; and the Nazis did not quite see the Jews as fellow Germans or Europeans but as an alien race. “Very well explained,” I say to my students. Now, apply the same depth of analysis to your understanding of the role of Africans in the Atlantic slave trade.

See Prof. Gates’ original article
“Ending the Slavery Blame-Game” By HENRY LOUIS GATES Jr.

Ending the Slavery Blame-Game (Erroneously!)

Jan 21, 2010

The outpouring of global support and assistance for the people of Haiti following the devastating earthquake in that country has been heartening. The people of Haiti are historically, a very resilient people and they will pull through even this devastation.

But I have been struck by the shallowness of the global media reporting of the event. Virtually none of the media reporting of the tragedy has gone beyond the fixation with Haiti’s recent history to explore the long and complex sequence of historical events that have shaped what Haiti is today. This is, in many ways, typical of Western media reporting - a preoccupation with the here and now. An obstinate presentism that insists on draining today's events of yesterday's antecedents; an antipathy for historical contexts. Yet, a broader historical context is crucial to understanding the realities of poverty and political instability in that country today. The only analysis have I seen in the media so far that even attempts to provide such a historical context is Fareed Zakaria’s GPS on CNN (Below).

Beyond the media's fixation with Haiti’s present history of corruption, poverty and political instability, is a long and brutal history of slavery, emancipation, exclusion, hostility, and foreign intervention. The legacies of these historical realities continue to shape the situation in that country today. We need to understand this past to be better able to help the people of Haiti move into a more promising future.



Sir Hilary Beckles, the pro-vice-chancellor and principal of the University of West Indies offers a historical perspective to the Haitian situation on in his article, “The Hate and the Quake”

http://www.barbadosadvocate.com/newsitem.asp?more=letters&NewsID=8490

HAITI: Media Reporting and the need for Historical Contextualization

May 19, 2008

“Routes to Freedom: Reflections on the Bicentenary of the Abolition of the Slave Trade”

Presentation at the Conference on the Bicentenary of the of the Slave Trade organised by the Faculty of Law at the University of Ottawa, Canada. The conference explored the reality and impact of the transatlantic slave trade, anti-slavery movements and their link to contemporary relationships between the peoples of Africa and the world.

This presentation is titled:
"Managing the Social Residues of Slavery: Slave Stigmatization and Agitation for Social Inclusion in Niger Delta 1915-1945"

Reflections on the the Abolition of the Slave Trade”

Aug 6, 2007

The contentious issue of Reparations for Slavery seems to be engaging more and more academic interest these days as evident from the following recent publications:

- Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, “Reparations to Africa and the Group of Eminent Persons,” Cahiers d'études africaines

- Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, “Getting to Reparations: Japanese Americans and African Americans” Social Forces, 83, 2 (Dec., 2004), pp. 823-840

- Victor T. Le Vine, Commentary on "Framing Reparations Claims: Differences between the African and Jewish Social Movements for Reparations"African Studies Review - Volume 50, Number 1, April 2007, pp. 49-51

- Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, Lombardo, Anthony P. Framing Reparations Claims: Differences between the African and Jewish Social Movements for ReparationsAfrican Studies Review, 50, 1, 2007, 27-48.

- Ricardo Rene Laremont, “Jewish and Japanese American Reparations: Political Lessons for the Africana Community,” Journal of Asian American Studies - Volume 4, Number 3, October 2001, pp. 235-250

- Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, “Reparations to Africa and the Group of Eminent Persons,” Cahiers d'études africaines

Here is an excerpt from the last article on the list:

“There are two major precedents for reparations to Africa. They are reparations to Jews for the Holocaust, and the movement in the United States for reparations to African-Americans. The issue of reparations to Jews for the Holocaust resurfaced in international discussion in the 1990s when Jewish groups began to demand that unpaid life insurance policies on victims of the Holocaust be paid, and that monies deposited by Jews in Swiss banks before and during the Second World War be paid to survivors of murdered Jews (Barkan 2000: 3-29, 88-111; Brooks 1999: 13-81). Increasingly, African-Americans and Africans became aware that “some” people–most especially Jews–seemed to be entitled to reparations for their suffering, while others were not. That in the view of many people in the formerly colonized world, Jews had become colonial oppressors of Palestinians merely compounded the problem. In some African eyes, it appeared that “white” victims of mass atrocities were entitled to compensation, while non-white victims were not. Thus Mazrui (2002: 87) asked: “How do twelve years of Jewish hell… compare to several centuries of Black enslavement?” Abiola (1992: 910) shortened the period of Jewish suffering even further, referring to the “six-year holocaust perpetrated against Jews by Hitler”. Joseph Ndiaye, curator in 1998 of the Maison des Esclaves (House of Slaves) on the Island of Goree off Senegal, from which slaves apparently used to be shipped to the Americas, offered a similar opinion. He said: “We never stop hearing about the Holocaust, but how often do we dwell on the tragedy that took place here over 350 years; a tragedy that consumed tens of millions of lives?”

"How do twelve years of Jewish Hell compare to several centuries ofBlack enslavements."
– Ali Mazrui

I personally find no reason in comparing African slavery with the Jewish Holocaust, save for purely academic and heuristic purposes. There is something about comparing tragedies and the mentality of “My pain is greater than yours” that I find unsettling. However, Ali Mazriu's question speaks to a concern that has been frequently expressed by many Africans and Africanists. It is concern, not so much about reparations for slavery, but about the commemoration of slavery.

How many major Holocaust Museums, monuments and Memorials are there in North America? 20? 40? 50? How many major museums and memorials to the slave trade are there in North America? NONE. I know this because I teach an African Diaspora class where we focus on slave commemorations and memorials. True, there are a few monuments to commemorate slavery scattered across the US and Canada. There are also several slave exhibits in museums across the US (The Smithsonian even has one) but no single major slave museum. There is no national institution dedicated to the documentation, study, and interpretation of Slavery as there is in the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.
It is only now that efforts are being made to establish a National Slave Museums though the private initiative and funds of some prominent African Americans. http://www.usnationalslaverymuseum.org/home.asp

Even then, the project has been dogged with controversy. Lengthyeditorials have been written about how a slave museum is unnecessarybecause it would open up "old wounds." Others have suggested a"National African American Heritage Museum? Rather than a "SlaveMuseum." So, the question I ask is "Who is Afraid of a SlaveMuseum?" Why does Africa’s pain matter less? Issues like this are atthe heart of the reparations debate? -- An overwhelming sense thatAfrica’s pain, Africa’s experiences and Africans themselves matter lessthan others.

This is what I think this debate should really be about –- not reparations but commemoration. How and why have we remembered or failed to remember slavery in our societies? What have we done to commemorate that human tragedy and honor the memory and contributions of its teeming victims? Why do we persist in giving the unsetting impression that the pains of some matters more than those of others? Talk about the commemoration of slavery must precede any talk of reparations for slavery!

Of Slavery, Monuments and Commemorations

 
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