Dec 22, 2011


Seasons Greetings and Best wishes for just and peaceful 2012

Dec 21, 2011


Social economists say that two crucial human wants that do not obey the Law of Diminishing Returns: Power and Wealth.

For most things in life, the more you have of it the less you desire it or the less it becomes productive for you. Our quest for power and wealth tend not to obey this rule. Human desire to accumulate power and wealth appears simply insatiable. But every once in a while, comes a remarkable person who forces us to rethink our assumptions about human nature.

This week, after much digging, The New York Times unmasked 80-year-old Charles F. Feeney as the anonymous donor who gave Connell University a $350 million donation to construct a new technology-based satellite campus in New York City.

A self-made billionaire who co-founded Duty Free Shoppers Group in the 1960s, Charles Feeney  has been donating quietly and anonymously to universities, hospitals and charitable foundations for much of his lifetime. In 2009, he gave $125 million to build a new medical center for the University of California-San Francisco that would treat women, children, and cancer patients. Over the course of the last decade, he's given more than €46m to the University of Limerick in Ireland. Hs total donations for Cornell over the years -- not counting the latest $350 million -- exceed $600 million.

Even more remarkable is Mr. Feeney’s steely resolve to give anonymously and without the publicity and self-adulation that is often associated with philanthropy. He is reluctant to do press interviews or even pose for a publicity photograph. According to The Atlantic Wire, “Nearly every profile makes note of how unimpressed Feeney is with what his wealth can buy him, noting that he flies coach, wears a $15 watch, and doesn't own a house or a car.”

When asked why he decided to give everything away, Feeney replied, "I simply decided I had enough money."

Now, that is something you don’t hear every day: “I simply decided I had enough money.”
The world desperately needs more Charles Feeneys.

Meet Charles Feeney, Cornell's $350 Million Donor (The Atlantic Wire)
Cornell Alumnus Is Behind $350 Million Gift to Build Science School in City (New York Times)


"I simply decided I had enough money"

Dec 18, 2011


This lighthearted story about the debate over replacing the beaver with the polar bear as Canada’s national emblem was one of the most read stories on the BBC website this week.

Apparently the rest of the world is as concerned as some of us about the efforts currently been pushed on several levels to reshape Canadian national identity. Canada’s unilateral decision to withdraw from the Kyoto Protocol marks a radical departure from the values of moderation and tolerance that the country has long been known for. These values are part of the reasons why some of us, chose to make this country home. It is a source of grave concern that these values seem to be slipping away.

"In a world of eagles, bears, dragons and other fearsome beasts, surely we need more, not less, of the beaver."

Beaver or bear? Fur flies over Canadian sense of identity (BBC)

Beaver or bear? The Battle over Canadian National Identity

Dec 14, 2011

Time Magazine has declared “the Protester” the person of the year for 2011. It is a fitting choice. 2011 was indeed the year of the protester. From Cairo’s Tahrir square to New York’s Zuccotti Park, ordinary citizens protesting against political repression and economic inequities took to the streets to voice their complaints. They found an ally in technology. Facebook and tweeter were the vectors of their protestations.

Street protests have always been a part of social ferment. What makes these noteworthy is their efficacy. Sit tight dictators were forced to abdicate and nervous corporate oligarchies have been forced to take note. "Massive and effective street protest" has moved from being an oxymoron to become the reality of our internet age.

But what struck me most about the Time Story was the discussion of the life the 26-year-old street Tunisian vendor Mohamed Bouazizi whose self-immolation on December 17 2010 set off an unrelenting wave of street protest across the Arab world. Mohamed Bouazizi has become the unlikely martyr and icon of the year of the Arab Spring and the age of “effective street protest.” It is a compelling story:

“On a Friday morning almost exactly a year ago, he set out for work, selling produce from a cart. Police had hassled Bouazizi routinely for years, his family says, fining him, making him jump through bureaucratic hoops. On Dec. 17, 2010, a cop started giving him grief yet again. She confiscated his scale and allegedly slapped him. He walked straight to the provincial-capital building to complain and got no response. At the gate, he drenched himself in paint thinner and lit a match.”

I have heard some question whether this aggravation was enough to warrant self-immolation. That is a matter for debate. However, we must never underestimate dehumanizing effects of humiliation and indignity. Bouazizi set himself on fire not because he was starving or homeless. He went to that extreme length because he was tired of a life of humiliation, dehumanization and indignity. Perhaps for him, setting himself on fire was a means of escape and the ultimate statement of defiance.

Bouazizi’s mother puts it succinctly, “My son set himself on fire for dignity." Her 16-year-old daughter Basma, put it even better: "dignity is more important than bread."


"Dignity is more important than bread"

Dec 10, 2011


On December 9, 1947 Dutch military forces deployed in the village of Rawagede in colonized Indonesia committed an unspeakable crime.

In their fight to maintain Dutch colonial rule and suppress the Indonesian Republicans seeking independence for their country, they killed nearly all the males in this remote Indonesian village. Almost 500 men were rounded up and summarily executed, in many cases right before their families. The widows recall that it was left to the women and children in the villages to bury the corpses of their slain husbands, brothers and children. Rawagede became a village without men.

Although the Dutch army and state acknowledged that the massacres occurred, no one was ever prosecuted or convicted for the massacres. A 1948 United Nations report described the killings "deliberate and merciless."

Since the publication of the report there have been pressures on Netherlands to officially apologize for the massacres and pay compensation to the victims and survivors. None has been forthcoming. The best that the people of Rawagede got was statement that the Netherlands "deeply regrets" the massacre.

Finally on the sixty-fourth anniversary of the massacres, the Dutch government through its ambassador to Indonesia formally apologised for the massacres. It was a terse public statement which included the words that the survivors had waited for over six decades to hear: "On behalf of the Dutch government, I apologise for the tragedy that took place in Rawagede on the 9th of December, 1947."

But the apology came only after some survivors successfully sued the Dutch government for the massacres and a court in the Netherlands ordered the government to pay compensation over the killings. Only 9 relatives are still alive and each will receive a paltry Euro 20,000 ($27,000) compensation.

The apology is welcome since its better late than never. But for the traumatized people of Rawagede, it provides only cold comfort. The apology is too little too late. State apologies for historical crimes and injustices are notoriously difficult to get. In this case, the belated apology from the Netherland seems to have been driven more by insular legal and public relations considerations rather than a genuine sense of national contrition for the massacres. The Dutch apology is a classic example of how not to do state apology.

For more on the debate over state apology for historical crimes see a recent book to which I contributed:

Dutch Apology for the Massacre at Rawagede (Indonesia): How not to do State Apology

Nov 24, 2011

I saw this movie by chance. I was recently on a transatlantic flight and it was one of the few movies available that sounded interesting. The title certainly caught my attention. “Exit through the Gift Shop” is a comedic documentary about the subversive underground world of graffiti artistes centred on the character of an eccentric French immigrant shopkeeper in the US who immerses himself in that world. It is a hilarious and somewhat irreverent insight into a shadowy dissident subculture of graffiti street art.

The movie was produced by Banksy, the enigmatic and faceless graffiti artiste who has gained a global reputation for his satirical street art and subversive epigrams done in a distinctive stenciling technique.

The movie which was nominated for an Academy award comes highly recommended. Some of Banky’s works certainly make you think about the power of Art as an agent of socio-political commentary.

Subversive Art: “Exit through the Gift Shop”

Nov 22, 2011

Something in the news caught my eye this week. The United Nations reported that the World population hit 7 billion this year and would hit 10 billion by 2100. That’s a lot of people!

At 7 billion, the world’s population has tripled from what it was in 1930. In just 90 years, we will have 50 per cent more people on this planet than we did at the beginning of the century, competing for the same food, water, space and attention.

Whether we like it or not, we will all have to learn to share, compromise and negotiate to survive as more and more people compete for limited resources. The waste, profligacy, over consumption and gaping inequalities of our world are simply unsustainable. The problem is not so much the lack of resources. There is more than enough in this world to meet everyone’s basic needs but not everyone’s greed.

To wage peace, we have to first wage war. But not the kind on war on each other that we have become accustomed to. We have to wage war on the injustice, inequities and dispossession that are often at the roots of conflict and violence. We now have 7 billion urgent reasons to do so.

7 Billion Reasons to Wage Peace

Nov 14, 2011


This article by the Kenyan author BINYAVANGA WAINAINA was originally published in the Journal "Granta." The scathingly ironic article captures the often unspoken truth about much of what is written and published about Africa in the West.

"How to Write About Africa"

Always use the word ‘Africa’ or ‘Darkness’ or ‘Safari’ in your title. Subtitles may include the words ‘Zanzibar’, ‘Masai’, ‘Zulu’, ‘Zambezi’, ‘Congo’, ‘Nile’, ‘Big’, ‘Sky’, ‘Shadow’, ‘Drum’, ‘Sun’ or ‘Bygone’. Also useful are words such as ‘Guerrillas’, ‘Timeless’, ‘Primordial’ and ‘Tribal’. Note that ‘People’ means Africans who are not black, while ‘The People’ means black Africans.

Never have a picture of a well-adjusted African on the cover of your book, or in it, unless that African has won the Nobel Prize. An AK-47, prominent ribs, naked breasts: use these. If you must include an African, make sure you get one in Masai or Zulu or Dogon dress.

In your text, treat Africa as if it were one country. It is hot and dusty with rolling grasslands and huge herds of animals and tall, thin people who are starving. Or it is hot and steamy with very short people who eat primates. Don’t get bogged down with precise descriptions. Africa is big: fifty-four countries, 900 million people who are too busy starving and dying and warring and emigrating to read your book. The continent is full of deserts, jungles, highlands, savannahs and many other things, but your reader doesn’t care about all that, so keep your descriptions romantic and evocative and unparticular.

Make sure you show how Africans have music and rhythm deep in their souls, and eat things no other humans eat. Do not mention rice and beef and wheat; monkey-brain is an African's cuisine of choice, along with goat, snake, worms and grubs and all manner of game meat. Make sure you show that you are able to eat such food without flinching, and describe how you learn to enjoy it—because you care.

Taboo subjects: ordinary domestic scenes, love between Africans (unless a death is involved), references to African writers or intellectuals, mention of school-going children who are not suffering from yaws or Ebola fever or female genital mutilation.

Throughout the book, adopt a sotto voice, in conspiracy with the reader, and a sad I-expected-so-much tone. Establish early on that your liberalism is impeccable, and mention near the beginning how much you love Africa, how you fell in love with the place and can’t live without her. Africa is the only continent you can love—take advantage of this. If you are a man, thrust yourself into her warm virgin forests. If you are a woman, treat Africa as a man who wears a bush jacket and disappears off into the sunset. Africa is to be pitied, worshipped or dominated. Whichever angle you take, be sure to leave the strong impression that without your intervention and your important book, Africa is doomed.

"How to Write About Africa"

Nov 13, 2011


A Research Workshop presented by McMaster University, Department of History and the L.R. Wilson Institute for Canadian History, 1-2 March 2012.

Research Brief

In 2004 Mark Mazower noted that while the history of human rights in the 20th Century could be written as a triumph of civilization over barbarism, it must also be seen as a campaign imbued with politics, cynicism, and state interest. As he points out, we need to understand the political struggles and conflicts of interest that led to the emergence of human rights on the international arena as they had a profound role in the actual definitions of human rights that have largely triumphed. But not only were such struggles fought out in the international arena, or at the highest level of state policy making, they were also to be found at the level of civil society and amongst a variety of activist individuals and advocacy organizations within societies.

Taking Liberties: Historicizing 20th Century Human Rights in the English Speaking World

Nov 10, 2011


I do not consider myself a movie aficionado but every once in a while I delight in foreign movies to extricate myself from Hollywood’s stranglehold on our collective psyche. Old Iranian and Russian movies hold a particular fascination. But it is the 2001 French film “Amélie” that recently got me enthralled.

A romantic comedy film directed by Jean-Pierre Jeunet, it is the story of a reticent and quirky Parisian waitress who, confronted by her conflicted life, sets out to change the lives of those around her for the better. In so doing, she manages to transform not just the lives of others but unwittingly her own life too.

The movie reminds me so much of the equally remarkable film by the Italian director Roberto Benigni, “Life is Beautiful” which tells the story of a Jewish Italian whose resilience and fertile imagination helps his family survive a Nazi concentration camp. Both films are must sees and come highly recommended.

Viewing of the Month: Amélie

Nov 9, 2011

I have always wondered what the real story is behind the ubiquitous “V for Vendetta” mask that has become synonymous with the Occupy Wall Street protests in the US and around the world. The mask has come to represent the anonymity of an amorphous and leaderless grassroots movement. Apparently there is a fascinating history behind the mask.

The mask is a representation of Guy Fawkes who was part of a group of provincial English Catholics that planned a failed assassination attempt against King James I in 1605. Guy Fawkes who was in charge of the gunpowder that had been stockpiled to blow up Westminster palace was eventually captured, tortured and committed suicide before he was due to be executed. For centuries, Fawkes has been reviled for treason in Protestant England and his effigy is often burned on a bonfire.

It is a fascinating story. I find it ironic that the image of a man despised for treason at home has become a universal symbol of people power in the twenty first century. The Guardian of London provides and interesting expose on this iconic image.

Guy Fawkes: The Face of Anonymity and Defiance


Still on my trip to Brazil…

While in Brazil I had the opportunity to attend the annual national academic conference of social scientists in the country. It was a gathering of the crème de la crème of the Brazilian academe.

The conference was held at a scenic resort-style hotel in the serene town of Caxambu in the western part of the country. It is a delightful and breathtaking city with green flowing hills and natural spring rivers. I was told that in the old days, the town was a holiday resort for kings and princes of the Brazilian monarchy who spent their vacations in the lush, calm and relaxing greenery of Caxambu. Given the beauty of Caxambu it is no wonder that the intellectuals of Brazil chose to continue the tradition.

One of the first things that struck me upon arriving at the conference venue was how unrepresentative the faces at the conference were of the Brazilians I had seen and met in the streets of Sao Paulo. This was a very "white" group with very few black, coloured or aboriginal faces. Not even in my years in Scandinavia did I encounter such a racially monolithic gathering at an academic conference. This was definitely not my image of Brazil. Where are the intellectual Peles, Ronaldinhos and Anderson Silvas that Brazil on the map in sport?

So, I asked Dr. Valter Silverio of the Federal University of Sao Carlos (one of the few “colored” faces at the conference) why the Brazilian intellectual community was so unrepresentative of the racial diversity of the larger society. Dr. Silverio should know. He is one of the key academics involved with studying and monitoring Brazil's new affirmative action policy in the universities. He explained that although Brazil has always prided itself as being a racial democracy, racial inequalities are a historical reality. However, racial politics has not always resonated in the country as they have in the US.

As elsewhere in Latin America, the focus has historically been on class inequalities rather than racial inequities. However, in the past decade, the Brazilian government has taken decisive steps aimed at redressing the gaping racial and class imbalance in the educational sector with its affirmative action policies at the university level.

These policies, Dr. Silvero explains, have sometimes been controversial. But on the whole, they have set in motion the mechanisms for addressing lingering historical inequities in the country's ivory towers. Brazil has chosen not to go with the race-essentializing American affirmative action model. Rather it has developed a uniquely Brazilian model that takes into consideration both race and class inequalities in the country.

For me, it is another example of a country’s unique and creative approach to addressing its social challenges.

Brazil Notes: The Diversity Paradox

Nov 4, 2011

The Corrupt fear....
The Honest support....
The Heroic join.....

In Solidarity....


Still on my visit to Brazil…

One of the most intriguing discoveries I made during my stay in Brazil was finding out that the country has a ministry dedicated to the prevention of hunger. The ministry is called "The Ministry of Social Development and Fight Against Hunger (MDS)." As far as I know Brazil is the only country that has a cabinet level minister whose principal assignment is to fight against hunger.

The ministry was created in 2004 with a mission to promote social development and fight against hunger with the aim of “fostering inclusion and citizenship, ensuring food and nutritional security, a minimum citizenship income and integral assistance to families." This mission statement reflects the country's decision of placing the fight against hunger and social exclusion as a priority in the national agenda. My hosts tell me that the Ministry's mandate is to ensure that all Brazilians irrespective of race, class or economic statues get three square meals a day. They call it the “Zero Hunger Program.”

According to the Ministry, its social policies are integrated in a system of social protection and promotion that currently benefits about 65 million people in situation of poverty, through its several programs, such as: the Bolsa Família Program of conditional cash transfer; the Continuous Cash Benefit (BPC), the Program of Acquisition of Food of the Small Landowner (PAA); the Cisterns Program; the Program of Integral Attention to the Family (PAIF); and the Program of the Eradication of Child Labor (PETI), among others.”

“By prioritizing social investments, Brazil has achieved significant results in reducing poverty and inequality, and has improved access to food, education, health and infrastructure services. Between 2003 and 2006, 14 million people escaped poverty, entailing a 31.4 per cent decline in the country’s poverty levels.”

The rest of the world is taking notice of Brazil’s fight against hunger. According to a 2009 ActionAid report, Brazil ranks first among developing countries in the fight against hunger. The report assessed 29 developing countries on the basis of legal commitment to the right to food, investment in agriculture and social protection, and performance on hunger and child nutrition. Brazil came in first, ahead of China, Ghana and Vietnam.

Brazil Notes: The “Zero Hunger Program”

For the past two weeks I have been in Sao Paulo, Brazil as a guest speaker of the "Centromere de Estudo de Cultura Contemporanea" (Centre for the study of contemporary culture). It is my first time in Brazil and I must say that it has been a revelation. In the next few weeks I will be blogging about my random observations of Brazilian society and culture.

Before vising Brazil, I had heard a lot about the social and political changes initiated by the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva but visiting the country gives one a real sense of the impact of these changes.

Lula's policies have been credited with creating the conditions for the greatest reduction of the number of people living in poverty in the recent history of Latin America. Brazil is doing in Latin America what China is doing in Asia. With more people moving up the social ladder and with more purchasing power, the Brazilian economy is booming even at a time of global recession. Evidence of the resurgence of capitalist consumerist culture can be seen everywhere from the new city metro line systems to the sprawling American style malls springing up across the city.

The interesting thing about the Brazilian development model as I see it is that the triumph of the capitalist consumerist property model has not been allowed to run a mock as has been the case elsewhere. Great care has been taken to put in place social safety nets to ensure the rights and welfare of the poorest and most vulnerable in the society are protected. Call it capitalism with a conscience.

I ask my host, Dr. Rosanna Reiss of the University of Sao Paulo which of the government’s many social policies she thinks has had the most profound impact on Brazilian society. "Clearly the Bolsa Família program" She says. The Bolsa Família is the $150 cash transfer to poor families throughout brazil. " These cash subventions have transfomed the lives of many ordinary people across the country.” They enable the poorest families to invest in education and gain financial security.

When the grants were first proposed, there was the familiar concern that it would lead to the "indolence and dependency of the poor on the nanny state." However, documented evidence shows the contrary. The funds have had an empowering effect of the country's poorest. My hosts tell me of anecdotal evidence of Bolsa Família program recipients requesting government agencies to discontinue payments to them when their economic situation improve. This challenges the arguments that state welfare programs inevitably foster dependency among the poor.

A true test of the humanity of any society is how well it treats the least of its members. Brazil provides an alternate development model for Latin America and the rest of the developing world. The problem as the Brazilian example shows is not necessarily free market capitalism but the virulent form of avaricious corporate capitalism that currently dominates the global political economy. There is, I think, a place for conscientious and regulated free-market economics that seeks as its goal, not only the unending accumulation of economic surpluses in ever fewer hands, but rather doing the greatest good to the greatest number of people while providing safety nets for the most vulnerable in the society.

Brazil Notes: An Alternate Model of Development

My reading for the month has been “The Death of the Liberal Class,’ by Pulitzer-Prize winning journalist Chris Hedges. In it he makes the argument that the “liberal class” which has historically been at the forefront of championing social reforms for the poor and middle class is increasing becoming irrelevant.

Hedges point accusing fingers at five specific groups and institutions in America for failing Americans and allowing for the creation of a “permanent underclass.” These are the Democratic Party, churches, unions, the media and academia.

Hedges argues that for motives ranging from self-preservation to careerism, the “liberal establishment” purged radicals from its own ranks and, as a result, lost its checks on capitalism and corporate power.

Although the book is essentially about American politics and societies, I find the that some of the questions it raises bear universal relevance. Hedges indictment of the academia and its complicity in the corporatization of the global socio-political space is one that I think resonates with many observers. League universities, he argues have become essentially, vocational schools. There has been a “kind of withering of the humanities” in which the liberal education that would normally ask broad questions and challenge structure and assumptions has become corporate. Academic departments now carry the burden of raising their own funds. “This is pretty hard to do if you’re in the classics department,” Hedges notes.

Hedges also faults the “purging within economics departments and business schools of people who challenged what I call the utopian vision of globalization — the idea that somehow the marketplace should determine human behavior and guide human activity.”

Not everyone will agree with the Hedges' blanket indictments in this book, but I think it makes for very thought provoking reading. The books comes highly recommend.

Reading of the Month: "The Death of the Liberal Class"

Oct 9, 2011


Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Leymah Gbowee and Tawakul Karman, who have fought tirelessly to organize women for peace and human rights, share the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize.

In awarding the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize to these outstanding women, the Nobel Prize Committee has accorded long overdue recognition to the role of women as peacemakers.

I am one of those who strongly believe that women are crucial to bringing peace and justice to our troubled world. Women are often the most affected by conflict and injustice– they are victims of abuse and rape; they bear the burdens when husbands and chidden are lost to war. For them the cost of war and conflict are painfully real. It is no wonder therefore that women are key to sustainable peacebuilding.

This year's Nobel Peace Prize winners prove this.

Apart from being Africa's first elected female head of state, Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has worked to bring peace and stability to Liberia’s war ravaged society. In a continent were patriarchy rules supreme she serves as a role model for millions of African women. She has pursued policies aimed at empowering women, children and the most vulnerable in her country.

Liberian peace activist Leymah Gbowee has “mobilised and organised women across ethnic and religious dividing lines to bring an end to the long war in Liberia, and to ensure women's participation in elections. She has worked to enhance the influence of women in West Africa during and after war." She organized a group of Liberian woman in 2002 to put pressure on the warring parties to end the country's brutal civil war. “They were the mothers, wives and sisters of the men doing the fighting and their victims.”

Yemeni journalist and activist Tawakul Karman, founded Women Journalists Without Chains in 2005. In a country notorious for political repression and state sanctioned human rights violations, she has been a voice and advocate for human rights and freedom of expression. Defying traditional restrictions on women in Yemen's conservative political space, Ms Karman has led rallies in the continuing protests against the rule of President Ali-Abdullah Saleh. She has done all this without repudiating the basic social and cultural values of her society.

These women are models of resilience and commitment to the course of peace and human rights.

Congratulations Ladies.

2011 Nobel Peace Prize winners: A Timely Tribute to Women Peacemakers

Oct 3, 2011

The Corrupt fear....
The Honest support....
The Heroic join.....

In Solidarity....

Oct 1, 2011

A BBC story highlights the price others pay to make us look fashionable.

Jeans with a distressed, already-worn look are made by blasting them with sand. Apparently, this can give factory workers an incurable lung disease.

One garment factory worker in Bangladesh states: "I have difficulty breathing... When I return from work I feel so tired. My eyes are in pain from all the dust... I know the effects this is having on my health, but I continue to do it because I need to feed myself and my family."

Makes me wonder: What is the real price of fashion?

Sometimes, the true price of fashion is not the just the sticker price we pay at the store but the health and well-being of the many of the world’s poorest.

Read the BBC story HERE

The True Price of Fashion

Sep 21, 2011

Today, September 21, is International Day of Peace ("Peace Day").

It was established by a United Nations resolution in 1981 to coincide with the opening of the General Assembly. The first Peace Day was celebrated in September 1982. In 2002 the General Assembly officially declared September 21 as the permanent date for the International Day of Peace.

The day provides an opportunity for all of us, individuals, organizations and nations to create practical acts of peace. On this day, we are reminded to take a take the pledge to end intolerance.

We can't resolve all the many conflicts that plague our world in one day, but we can in our various little ways do more to promote tolerance and inclusiveness wherever we live.

http://internationaldayofpeace.org/

International Peace Day 2011

Sep 11, 2011

As the United States and the world commemorate the tenth anniversary of the attack of 9/11, the focus has been on the 3,000 people who died in the attacks in the US on that day. These were the direct causalities of 9/11 and it is proper to remember them on this solemn anniversary. However, we must not forget that these are not the only victims of 9/11. The tens of thousands of innocent civilians who have died in the “global war on terror” triggered by 9/11 are also indirect victims of the attack. According to some estimates, as at 2007, the civilian casualties (“collateral damage”) in Iraq since the invasion is over 200,000. In Afghanistan, the figure is over 50,000.

The 10th anniversary of that terrible attack offers us an opportunity to honour the memory of all the innocent victims by working for peace and inclusiveness in our communities.

10th Anniversary of 9/11: Remembering all the victims

Sep 4, 2011

... If only it were that simple

Aug 30, 2011

The german non-profit organisation /e-politik.de/ has released an animated video about human rights. It is a simple and easy to follow primer on the meaning of human rights. It is a great educational resource for teaching and explaining human rights. The clip is licensed as Creative Commons and can be used, shared and embedded.

What are Human Rights?

Aug 23, 2011



Click here to listen

After nearly six months of tug of war between NATO-supported Libya rebels and the government forces, the situation in Libya changed dramatically this week as the rebels advanced into Libyan capital Tripoli with little resistance. Although the whereabouts of Libyan leader Muammar Gadhafi is still unknown,the International society is starting to prepare for the post-Gadhafi era, as leaders from France and Britain are calling for a meeting next week to discuss a road map for Libya's democracy. So is the Gadhafi regime already collapsed and who will take the leadership of the country? And how will the turmoil in Libya affect the whole African continent?

Ni hao, you're listening to People In the Know, bringing you insights into the headline news in China and around the world, I'm Zheng Chenguang in Beijing. In today's program, we are taking a look at the latest situation in Libya.

We are joined by Dr. He Wenping, Director of the African Studies Section at the Institute of West Asian and African Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and Dr. Bonny Ibhawoh, Professor of African and Global History, Centre for Peace Studies at McMaster University in Canada.

Pondering the Future of Libya

Aug 10, 2011

From Syria comes an interesting story about the resilience of the demonstrators demanding change in that country. Much of the organising for demonstrations had been done by young people using the internet. As in other countries that have witnessed the uprisings of the Arab Spring, Facebook and Twitter have been the instruments of the Syrian demonstrations.

Opponents of the regime are using their mobile phones to organise and broadcast images of the regime brutality and ruthless. Images that would otherwise remained unseen outside Syria. The Syrian authorities have been doing it best to shut down access to the internet. Their latest step is to cut off power to “restive” parts of the country in the hope that the organisers would be unable to charge their cell phone batteries. But for every problem, there is a solution. The demonstrators and citizen journalists of Syria to whom we owe most of the news coming out of the country these days have found a way out.

One Syrian activist described the ingenious ways they have devised to recharge their cell phone batteries.

"We have a glass of water and two Duracell batteries. We put it for one hour in this glass, then we use the USB and we put it just in the water. And... that gives us two hours or three hours charge to talk."

I initially wondered if this was scientifically possible but my colleagues who have better knowledge of Chemistry that I do say it is possible.
Talk about recharging a revolution.


Syria: Recharging a Revolution

Jul 21, 2011

Somali famine 'one of the most urgent humanitarian crises in the world'

Jul 20, 2011

It is now official. The United Nations has formally declared the crisis unfolding in the horn of Africa a Famine and a “humanitarian tragedy of unimaginable proportions.” Famine is defined as an acute starvation affecting greater than 30 percent of the population. In the case of Somalia, nearly half of the population is severely malnourished and under threat of starvation. The most vulnerable of these are women and children. Here are some troubling facts:
  • The draught in the horn of Africa is the worst in 60 years. Experts believe that changing global weather patterns have made draught more common in this region.
  • The UN estimates that 10 million people in the region are at the verge of starvation. That is about the population of Denmark and Sweden put together.
  • Insecurity and political instability have worsened the draught making an already chaotic region even more chaotic. Somalia has had no effective government since 1991 - over two decades. Rival warlords and al-Shabab, the Taliban style Islamist movement which controls most of the country, have denied humanitarian agencies access to the worst affected areas in the interior of the country.
  • Masses of refugees are fleeing to Northern Kenya and Eastern Ethiopia which are also draught affected regions. The UNHCR estimates that about 1,500 people are arriving at overcrowded refugee camps in Kenya and Ethiopia.
What can we do?
  • Donate: Humanitarian agencies such as the UNHCR, UNICEF and OXFAM all say that the donor response to this crisis has been particularly poor. The global economy is in recession and there is donor fatigue, particularly when it comes to humanitarian crises in Africa. But we cannot afford to turn our backs on the mass of women and children who face certain starvation in a world of plenty. Below are links to the websites of humanitarian organisations where you can make your donations. Please Act.
  • Push local and international leaders to find a long term political solution in Somalia. Unless a political solution is found that will bring peace and stability to the country, it will continue to have a destabilizing effect on the region. The menace of Somali pirates in the high seas and the threat it poses to international commerce is a reminder of the international repercussions of the chaos in Somalia. The international community must do more to support the current United Nations and African Union backed transitional government of Somalia. Write to your local political representatives in your country to push your governments to support international initiatives aimed at finding a lasting solution in Somalia. It is in our hands.

Spare a thought and a Dime for the Starving in Somalia

Jul 10, 2011


Readers of this blog will know that I am a big fan of the musical Group “Playing for Change.” Playing for Change is an initiative that digitally brings together musicians from all over the word to create beautiful and empowering music aimed at bringing positive change to the world. Their videos have become a YouTube sensation.

Playing for Change just released its second album “PFC 2.” All the tracks are delightful. As I did with the first album, I am posting below my favorite tack in the new album. It is titled “Gimme Shelter,” an adaptation of the classic Rolling Stones track of the same title. I think of it as a theme song for peace and justice in our world. Enjoy!

Oh, a storm is threat'ning
My very life today
If I don't get some shelter
Oh yeah, I'm gonna fade away

War, children, it's just a shot away
It's just a shot away

Ooh, see the fire is sweepin'
Our very street today
Burns like a red coal carpet
Mad bull lost its way

War, children, it's just a shot away
It's just a shot away
War, children, it's just a shot away
It's just a shot away

The floods is threat'ning
My very life today
Gimme, gimme shelter
Or I'm gonna fade away

War, children, it's just a shot away
It's just a shot away

I tell you love, sister, it's just a kiss away
It's just a kiss away

PFC2: A Theme Song for Peace and Justice

It was delightful to watch on TV, the celebrations that greeted the declaration of South Sudan as an independent nation – the world’s newest nation. Given the history of this troubled region and human suffering that has come with decades of civil conflict in which over a million people have died, the independence of South Sudan is a welcome development for the region. South Sudan becomes the 193rd country recognized by the UN and the 54th country in Africa.

The promise of a new society and the vision of peace and stability are palpable. The leaders of the country have worked to put in place the rudiments of a new nations – a new national flag; new national anthem, new currency and new political structures.

The people of South Sudan, many of whom have spent decades as refugees in neighboring countries, are returning home in droves in the hope that their new nation will provide them with the security and opportunities for decent livelihood that has long eluded them. I share in their hope and aspirations.

But it may not quite yet be complete “Uhuru” (Freedom). Amidst the hope, aspirations and celebrations are significant huddles that still confront the new nation. While some of these challenges are the unusual difficulties associated with forging news nations, some are unique obstacles. Here are what I consider the top four challenges confronting the new nation.

1. Managing citizen expectations and aspirations: We must not expect miracles. Given its history, progress in the new nation will likely be slow and painstaking. Years of war and neglect have ensured that the physical, social and institutional infrastructure in South Sudan are grossly inadequate. The new country joins the community of nations as one of the least developed in the world. Yet, for millions of South Sudanese, there are great hopes and expectations. These must be prudently managed. The leaders of South Sudan must strive to avoid the mistake of many post-colonial African leaders who promised their countrymen the sun, the moon and the stars after independence. The aspiration bar was set so unrealistically high that it was impossible to attain.

2. Managing the Oil Wealth: The new country is rich in oil which must also be prudently managed. First, the new government of President Salva Kiir Mayardit must work with Sudan (where most of the oil infrastructure are located) to come up with a revenue sharing agreement that is satisfactory to both sides. Next, oil revenue must be managed to serve the needs of the people rather than remain in the hands of a narrow oligarchy as is the case in some other oil-rich African countries.

3. Managing civil tensions and maintaining the Peace: The fragile peace that has allowed for the independence of South Sudan must be proactively maintained. Peace must be pursued both between South Sudan and her neighbors and within South Sudan. Recent reports of fighting in border areas between the north and south are troubling. There is real possibility of renewed conflict and for this reason the UN Security Council’s decision to keep in place the peacekeeping force for South Sudan is a wise one.

4. Negotiate Citizenship: A new law passed by the National Assembly in Khartoum has withdrawn Sudanese citizenship from all southerners. South Sudan is likely for reciprocate. This is bound to create more problems than it solves. Many South Sudanese have lived their whole lives in the north and vice versa. There must be a way to allow people on either side to feel a sense of national belonging, whatever side of the border that they choose to make their home. Citizenship must not become an instrument of ethnic exclusion and alienation.

An African proverb states: “A person is never blinded by a thrown stone that he can see coming.” Here is hoping that the people of Sothern Sudan and the international community see these “stones” and work toward avoiding them.

Independent South Sudan: Between Promise and Fear

May 24, 2011

Below is an insightful article that appeared in The Irish Times on the occasion of President Obama's visit to Ireland. The author is obviously addressing contentious questions of race and Irish self-identity. But I think it bears broader relevance to the politics of race not only in Ireland and the United States but elsewhere in the world.

It is a reminder that even with the election of Barack Obama as President of the United States we really still cannot talk about a post-racial era. Much has changed; but much still remains to be done to create a world where men and women are judged by the content of their character and not by the color of their skin.

Obama not just another excuse for blarney
Fintan O'Toole
The Irish Times - Tuesday, May 24, 2011

Claiming Obama as our own could be an exercise in self- aggrandisement – or it could help construct a new Irish identity

JAMES AUGUSTINE Healy, bishop of Portland, Maine from 1875 to 1900, was one of the great wave of Irish prelates who built the Catholic Church in America. He was typical of the Irish clerics whose phenomenal energies turned the church into the institution that integrated the Famine Irish into American society. He was one of the bishops who concelebrated the High Mass at the inauguration of the great temple of Irish America, St Patrick’s in New York.

I’m looking at a picture of Healy as I write. His head is erect, his eyes have the proud, steady gaze of a prince of the church. His skin looks a little dark, but if you didn’t know anything about him, you’d assume that’s just because the print is poor. A 19th century Irish Catholic bishop could not possibly be black.

But Healy was – as black, that is, as Barack Obama. He had been born in Macon, Georgia, in 1830, the son of an Irish-born planter Michael Healy and a slave woman, Mary Eliza Smith. This was not the usual story of a slave owner exploiting his chattel – Michael and Mary Eliza saw themselves as a married couple. But James Augustine Healy inherited his mother’s legal status – he was born a slave. He escaped his fate only because his father sent him north to be educated.

Healy’s story is fascinating for many reasons, but especially because it involves two disappearances. He survived and thrived by making no reference to his African ancestry and presenting himself merely as Irish. There were some murmurs about his “indelicate blood”, but he relied on the obvious fact that an Irishman could not be black. But then he disappeared again – out of Irish-American history, a victim of the reverse assumption – that a black man could not be Irish. Only with the Civil Rights movement in the early 1960s was Healy rediscovered – as a black hero. You’ll find him, for example, in a popular book called African-American Heroes and Heroines . You won’t find him in most standard histories of Irish America.

And yet there are lots of people who look a bit like Barack Obama but are as much Irish-American as the obvious Micks he surrounds himself with, the Daleys and Donilons and Bidens. You find them in micro-histories of neighbourhoods rather than in the big narratives.

In the Lower East Side of Manhattan either side of the Famine, for example, Irish and blacks lived, worked and played cheek by jowl. You can catch glimpses in the records of the marriages and children that resulted: William Moore, a black labourer and his Irish wife Winifred, with their 12-year-old son and two-year-old daughter. John Baker, a black carter, and his Irish wife Julia. John DePoyster, a black labourer, and his spouse Bridget, sharing a house with John Francis, a black man from Virginia, and his wife Susan from Ireland. But all of the kids of these unions became “black” and their descendants became “African-American”. Irish America, as it came to be imagined, had no place for them.

Which brings us to yesterday’s Obama jamboree and the word that everyone preferred not to mention – race.

Did Obama come here because he desperately wanted to see Moneygall? No he didn’t. He came here because most white men don’t vote for him, because he’s the target of insidious racism and because being a little bit Irish helps to shore up his political defences. What’s all the “birther” madness but a badly coded suggestion that a black man can’t be truly “American”? What was that odious creep Donald Trump getting at when he wondered aloud how Obama got into Harvard?

There’s a toxic sludge of racism buried just beneath the surface of American political correctness. A day’s coverage of his Irishness was Obama’s clever, cool, non-confrontational way of messing with the racists’ heads.

This is perfectly fine with me – if it helps Obama undermine the bigoted headbangers, we should trace his ancestry back to Cúchulain and Queen Medb. But it does pose the question of what’s in it for us, beyond another visit from a political celebrity. It can be about one of two things – the usual slice of Paddywhackery or something that might make a bit of difference to the way we construct Irish identity in the future.

Claiming Obama can be just another exercise in pathetic Irish self-aggrandisement – another American president to add to “our” collection. This is nonsense – Obama’s chosen ethnic identity is that of an African-American. There’s something crass about any attempt to muscle in on that. But there is another way to claim Obama or rather to acknowledge what it means that he has some Irish heritage – to learn that “Irish” is not a racial category.

So who was the visit for? For Obama, of course, and I hope it did him some good. But more than that I hope it’s for the kids I saw the other morning, the sweat gleaming on their beautiful dark skin, one hand holding their daddy’s, the other balancing the hurleys they had over their shoulders.

Obama and the Politics of Race: Between Irish-American and African-American

May 14, 2011


In my recent travels across Africa, I have struck by the increasing number of people who are becoming skeptical, even cynical of the International Criminal Court. The initial euphoria which heralded the establishment of the Court a decade ago seems to be fizzling. This trend is worrisome for two reasons.

First, skepticism of the ICC is not coming from the usual suspects; sit-tights dictators or warlords, but from those who have been supportive – civil society actors, academics and professionals. Secondly, skepticism is coming in spite of the relatively impressive record in the ICC in pursuing and prosecuting cases of gross human rights violations and crimes against humanity in Africa.

So, what accounts for the new skepticism? Simply, it is the growing perception of imbalance. An old adage states that it is not enough that justice is done; it must also be seen to have been done. The credibility problem that the ICC increasingly faces in Africa is not its failure to do justice in individual cases but the perceptions that overall, it has failed to do justice equally.

As one African professor asked recently at a human rights conference, “How come almost all the offenders indicted or convicted by the ICC have been Africans?” He reeled out the names: Thomas Lubanga, Jean Pierre Bemba, Germain Katanga, Mathieu Chui, Charles Taylor and Omar El Bashir. “Does it mean that there are no gross human rights violators anywhere else in the world? It might as well be called the International African Criminal Court.”

Many saw this crisis of legitimacy coming. Under Article 17(a) of the Rome Statute which set up the ICC, a case is admissible only where the state which has jurisdiction over it is either unwilling or unable to genuinely carry out investigation or prosecution. Where a state with jurisdiction has investigated or prosecuted a case, it is inadmissible before the ICC.

Now, which states are more likely to be “unable” to investigate a case? Weak and fragile post-conflict states in the developing world, of course. Besides, who determines whether a “willing and able” state has indeed properly investigated and prosecuted a case? This inevitably means that for the foreseeable future, the only offenders you will see in the dock at the ICC will likely be from the weak states of the global South. It creates a credibility problem.

When the African Union unanimously opposed the ICC’s indictment of President Omar El-Bashir of Sudan over the killings in Darfur, it sent a powerful message. Recently, a top judge from the ICC’s Appeals Division, Daniel David Nsereko Ntanda on a speaking tour with civil society groups in Uganda stressed: "the ICC is not targeting African states, nor is it a Western imposition on the African continent and its people as perceived by some people…” More needs to be done. The ICC may already be swimming against a rising tide of public opinion in Africa.

What should be done? Radical as this may sound, the Statue of Rome needs to be revisited. Admissibility of cases before the ICC should not simply rest on the presumed inability or unwillingness of states with jurisdiction to investigate or prosecute a case.

Even where a state evidently has the capacity and willingness to investigate and prosecute, the ICC should have the prerogative to launch further “confirmatory” proceedings to ensure that domestic investigations and prosecutions meet international criminal justice standards. This will serve to create a sense of balance which is crucial to resolving the crisis of legitimacy which confronts the ICC in Africa and other parts the developing world.

An International (African) Criminal Court?

Apr 12, 2011

Obama talks about the “Audacity of Hope” but I just discovered something else – the “Tenacity of Hope.” I was listening to a BBC news report of how communities in Japan are rebuilding after the devastating earthquakes and Tsunami in that country. They interviewed a 70 year old rural farmer who was working with his grandson to clear the rubble of what used to be their home. “How do you get the strength and motivation to carry on amidst all this devastation?” the BBC journalist asked the man. “Doesn’t the task of rebuilding all that has been lost overwhelm you?” His reply was an eloquent testament to the “tenacity of hope.”

“Our city…” he said (and I am paraphrasing here) “…has been destroyed several times in history by tsunamis and earthquakes. It is the nature of our land. But each time it was always rebuilt …better than before. There is a spirit of resilient rebuilding that our parents passed on to us. It is our duty to pass that spirit of rebuilding on to the next generation. It is crucial to our country’s survival. This is why I must work here with my grandson to clear the rubble… to pass on that spirit of rebuilding…”

The Japanese have always struck me as a resilient and determined people. Any student of history or indeed anyone who has read the intriguing novel Black Rain knows about the devastation the country endured after the dropping ofthe atomic bomb in Hiroshima and Nagasaki during the Second World War. Yet, barely five decades later, it had emerged from the rubbles to become one of the strongest industrial economies in the world. This time too, I am sure the country will rebuild and flourish. Our hearts go out in solidarity to the Japanese people as they rebuild. There is a much the rest of us can learn from that nation’s spirit of resilience and tenacity.

Rebuilding Japan: The Tenacity of Hope

Apr 4, 2011

THE WORSE THING IS NOT TO DIE

BUT TO BE ALIVE AND NOT KNOW WHY...

Quote of the Week

Here is an insightful commentary from the Students’ newspaper of USC, on the hypocrisy and double-standards that is becoming all too evident in the West’s approach to humanitarian intervention. As one of my colleagues put it recently, “History shows that the West is not intervening because Gadhafi is a brutal dictator, but because he is not our brutal dictator.”

Like the writer below, I support the humanitarian intervention in Libya. But why not in the Ivory Coast? Could it possibly be because Libya has oil and Ivory Cost has not? Ivory Coast is the world largest producer of cocoa, without which there will be no chocolates to satiate our sweet tooth. In a consumerist and fossil-fuel addicted word, oil is a much more precious resources. We can survive without chocolates for a which, but without oil...?

Apparently responding to this growing question, President Obama offered the following response in his March 28 speech on the Libyan Crisis

"It's true that America cannot use our military wherever repression occurs. And given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure our interests against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for never acting on behalf of what's right. In this particular country, Libya, at this particular moment, we were faced with the prospect of violence on a horrific scale. We had a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandate for action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arab countries, and a plea for help from the Libyan people themselves…"

Obama may be right but he must also realize that the optics simply do not look good. American strategic interest cannot be the sole justification for humanitarian interventions. At some point these begin to look more and more like calculated strategic interventions and less like humanitarian Interventions. There should be a place for humanitarianism without strings attached.

----------------------------------------------------------------------
Christine Detz | April 3, 2011
Associate News Editor

A bunch of Neon Tommy staffers sat around the office television last week watching President Barack Obama’s address to the nation about the U.S. role in Libya. Some of us were left wanting more as he outlined the mission and patted himself and the international community on the back for stepping in quickly to protect civilians.
One of my colleagues wanted the president to say “responsibility to protect.” We both knew he wouldn’t. If he had, it would mean a precedent had been set. The international community would now have to intervene wherever governments were knowingly and purposefully killing civilians. Places like Cote d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) for example.

To be clear, I believe in the humanitarian intervention in Libya; I don’t believe in arming the rebels – that’s a whole different mission than protecting civilians. But why Libya? Why not Cote d’Ivoire?

It is unclear how many civilians have been killed since violence broke out in late November. The Red Cross reports between 800 and 1,000 civilians were killed in one town last week alone. The United Nations estimates more than 100,000 people have fled the country and up to 1 million people have been displaced internally.

The violence began after incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo lost his re-election bid to Alassane Ouattara. Gbagbo claims victory even though U.N. monitors declared the election fair and Ouattara the winner months ago.

The international community has known of the civilian casualties since the beginning. In a December 16, 2010 statement the Security Council said they were “deeply concerned about the violence, in particular against civilians in Côte d’Ivoire…. The members of the Security Council warn all stakeholders that they will be held accountable for attacks against civilians and will be brought to justice, in accordance with international law and international humanitarian law.”

These words ring hollow. Where is the sense of urgency to protect civilians in Cote d’Ivoire like we saw in Libya?

Sure, there is a U.N. peacekeeping mission in Cote d’Ivoire (it’s been there since 2004), but anyone who has studied peacekeeping mandates knows how limiting they actually are (remember Rwanda in 1994). The U.S. State Department called on the U.N. peacekeeping mission to “aggressively enforce its mandate to protect civilians” Sunday. An interesting choice of words considering a peacekeeping mission is usually anything but aggressive. U.N. peacekeepers have strict rules of engagement. In fact, if you read the Cote d'Ivoire mandate, protecting civilians in imminent danger is listed after protecting U.N. personnel, installations and equipment. That’s right, protecting equipment is more important than protecting civilians.

So again I ask, why Libya and not Cote d’Ivoire? The answer may be geography. Libya is only a few hundred miles from Italy and many refugees tried to flee to the European nation. Italy has some sway in the international community. The bulk of the refugees leaving Cote d’Ivoire are crossing into Liberia, which is not exactly a world power.

In his speech, President Obama reminded the world it took 10 weeks to establish a humanitarian intervention in the Balkans in the late 1990s and only three weeks to set up the no-fly zone in Libya. Well Mr. President, it has been at least 18 weeks since violence targeting civilians broke out in Cote d’Ivoire, how much longer are you and the international community going to make the Ivorians wait?

Humanitarian Intervention or Strategic Intervention?

Mar 1, 2011

How will the ongoing conflicts shape the future of Libya and what will it mean for the country's neighbours, their allies, and the West?

Here are my views as published in The Mark

More than any of the other uprisings sweeping across the Middle East and North Africa, the one unfolding in Libya holds the gravest consequences for the region.

Libya is in the grasp of a more virulent autocracy – even by Middle Eastern standards. Moammar Gadhafi has made it clear that Libya is not Tunisia or Egypt, and that he will fight to the last man to maintain power. Given his antecedents, this comes as no surprise. Gadhafi would rather bring his country down with him than leave quietly. To make matters worse, no country in the region or the West has the kind of influence over Gadhafi that the U.S. had over Mubarak’s Egypt, or that the Europeans had over Ben Ali’s Tunisia. In dealing with Gadhafi, the international community’s options are much more limited. The unfortunate result is that – as is already becoming apparent – the Libyan uprising will be nothing like the relatively peaceful regime changes we have seen elsewhere.

The situation in Libya is also more precarious because of the damage that it threatens to unleash beyond the country’s shores. Already, EU leaders have begun scrambling to prepare for what the Italian foreign minister has described as “an exodus of biblical proportions.” There are also concerns about the implications for the global economy – particularly regarding the price of oil, which has seen a major spike since the crisis began.

But an even more disturbing concern – which has received very little attention in the media – is the impact that the Libyan crisis could have on the rest of Africa. During his 40 years in power, Gadhafi has thrown his influence and money across the continent to prop up or bring down governments. He has done this more than any other African leader. His fingerprints can be found on armed conflict from Chad to Sudan to the Central African Republic. He has also cultivated a loyal band of mercenaries from sub-Saharan Africa that he now uses to terrorize his own people.

But apparently his influence reaches even farther than this. The African Union’s response to the crisis has been feeble and belated. The union’s Peace and Security Council made a statement condemning the Libyan government’s crackdown on pro-democracy protesters, but this statement was much weaker than the reaction from the EU and even from the Arab League, which took the additional step of suspending Libya.

If Gadhafi remains intransigent and the crisis in Libya spirals into war, the fallout will not only be the upsurge in the price of oil and the masses of people fleeing towards the shores of Europe; it will also be the political instability and conflict that is likely to engulf fragile African states in which Gadhafi has been pulling the strings for so long.

The Crisis in Libya Could Spell Disaster for the Rest of Africa

Feb 26, 2011



“We are dying. …. I'm talking to you and you are listening to me and you are seeing the videos and people are talking to you from inside, outside of Libya. But the action -- there needs to be action. How much more waiting, how much more watching, how much more people dying?”

A heart wrenching appeal by an unidentified Libyan woman to the world to do something urgently about Gadhafi’s massacre of his people. This is genocide unfolding again before our very eyes.

I watched this on TV and my heart just sank. Are world leaders listening? How can anyone not be moved by the plight of this brave woman and the Libyan people?

When it happened in Auschwitz, we said we didn't know it was happening.
When it happened in Cambodia we said we were shut out by the Khmer Rouge.
When it happened in Rwanda we said we underestimated the killings.
When it happened in Darfur, we said he weren't sure the killings merited the label.
Now, a voice cries out from Libya that is happening again before our very eyes.
What will be our excuse this time?

The Massacre in Libya: What will be our excuse this time?

Feb 22, 2011


The revolutions sweeping across the Arab world have shone a spotlight on the Gene Sharp, described as the author of the rule book on non-violent revolution. His book “From Dictatorship to Democracy” has been widely credited with guiding and inspiring the uprisings in Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world.

Although the rest of the world is just discovering the influential work of this America academic and political theorist, many of those interested in matters of social justice and peace have long been familiar with his name and his work.

In the past couple of weeks both the New York Times and the BBC have done lengthy exposés on the life and work of Gene Sharp and how his 198 methods of non-violent revolution have shaped non-violent uprisings against autocratic rulers from Eastern Europe to South America to Middle East.

As one long familiar with the work of Gene Sharp, I would be the first to agree that Sharp’s theoretical and practical approach to non-violence indeed directly influenced the recent events we are witnessing.

But here is my problem with the way much of this has been reported. Sharp is being made out as the “inventor” of the principles and strategies of non-violent revolution. It is a disservice to the work of this great intellectual. Even Sharp himself, I am sure, would object to such patronizing and aggrandizing representations of him and his work.

Long before Sharp, there was Mahatma Gandhi’s Satyagraha and of course, MLK's civil rights movement. Both men in their writing and actions outline concrete strategies for non-violent struggle. Mahatma Gandhi himself was influenced by ancient Hindu and Confucian principles of non-violence. Hindu traditions of passive constrains on recourse to violence shaped his strategies of dealing with British imperialism in India – from the idea of Ahmisa "non injury” to the defiant Salt Marches of the 1930s.

Satyagraha encapsulated non - violence in both theory and action. MLK, by his own admission, was influenced by Gandhi's Satyagraha. Sharp too, was no doubt influenced by these earlier ideas and strategies.

Nonviolence as a principle and political strategy has a long history. We must not be blinded to this rich history by our quest for heroes and supermen to explain the current wave of non-violent uprisings.

The young Egyptians who stood their grounds in Tahrir square to topple a dictator are justified in their resentment of the suggestion that their revolution can be credited to one Western intellectual (as reported in the BBC story). They are rightly offended. Their non-violent struggle against tyranny and injustice follows a long tradition of human struggles for change through non-violence. It is tradition that no single man can be credited with.

Before Gene Sharp there was Gandhi's Satyagraha

Feb 13, 2011

My congratulations to the vibrant and freedom-loving people of Egypt for their resilience and determination in ousting tyranny and dictatorship.

As I predicted in this blog a few days ago, it was only going to be a question of time and the extent of the people's resolve.

Tyrannical dictatorships not only in the Arab world but elsewhere have been put on notice from Libya to Myanmar; from North Korea to Zimbabwe.

The internet generation has shown that they will not be browbeaten and intimidated by the arrogance and brutality of power. They know they have a new and unprecedented power of knowledge and mobilization. The genie is already out of the bottle and although there are bound to be difficulties along the way, things are never going to return to the way they were in Egypt. The people of Egypt have ensured that.

As Egyptians celebrate their freedom, let them not forget the many that died during and before the uprising for the course of freedom. They are the true heroes of this struggle.

Egypt: Free at Last

 
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