Jul 11, 2010


I first read one of Basil Davidson's many books as a high school student in the 1980s. Even then, it made an immediate impact. His narrative and analyses of African history and politics were lucid as they were compelling. Whether critiquing the tyranny of European colonialism in Africa or the hypocrisy and ineptitude of post-colonial African leaders, Basil Davidson wrote about Africa like someone who really cared. His passion for the continent was inescapable. As an undergraduate student, no essay of mine was complete without a sprinkling of quotations and anecdotes from Basil Davidson. For my students, he remains compulsory reading and his landmark TV documentary "Africa" is a must-see.

Although I never had the privilege of meeting him, Basil Davidson, perhaps more than any other scholar, living on dead, has had the most profound and enduring impact on my scholarship and my perspectives on the continent.
Here is a fitting tribute to the man, the scholar and the sage from the Guardian:

Basil Davidson obituary
Radical journalist and historian who charted the death throes of colonialism in Africa

Victoria Brittain
guardian.co.uk, Friday 9 July 2010

http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2010/jul/09/basil-davidson-obituary

Basil Davidson, who has died aged 95, was a radical journalist in the great anti-imperial tradition, and became a distinguished historian of pre-colonial Africa. An energetic and charismatic figure, he was dropped behind enemy lines during the second world war and joined that legendary band of British soldiers who fought with the partisans in Yugoslavia and in Italy. Years later, he was the first reporter to travel with the guerrillas fighting the Portuguese in Angola and Guinea-Bissau, and brought their struggle to the world's attention.

For many years he was at the centre of the campaigns for Africa's liberation from colonialism and apartheid, endlessly addressing meetings and working on committees. Extremely tall and with a shock of white hair, and possessing the old-fashioned courtesy of the ex-army officer that he was – or even of the country gentleman that he eventually became after his move to the West Country – he was an unlikely figure at many of these often incoherent and sometimes sectarian events, usually run by student activists and exiles.

Among his friends were the historians Thomas Hodgkin, EP Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm. The Palestinian scholar Edward Said placed him in a select band of western artists and intellectuals with a sympathy and comprehension of foreign cultures that meant that they had "in effect, crossed to the other side".

Born in Bristol, Davidson left school at 16, determined to become a writer, though he first made his living by pasting advertisements for bananas on shop windows in the north of England. Moving to London, he found his way into journalism, working for the Economist and then as the diplomatic correspondent of the Star, a now defunct London evening paper.

In the late 1930s he travelled widely in Italy and in central Europe, and his familiarity with its geography and his capacity to learn its languages made him an obvious candidate, when the war broke out, for the Special Operations Executive – seeking to undermine the Nazi regime from within. His self-reliance, and lack of interest in received wisdom, soon marked him out. When sent out to Budapest, to stimulate the resistance forces in Hungary, he crossed swords with the British ambassador, who ordered him to stop storing plastic explosives in the embassy cellar.

In Cairo, he worked on plans to drop agents into Yugoslavia, first to the royalists and then, after much internal argument, to Tito's communist guerrillas. Davidson was eventually parachuted into Yugoslavia himself, to join the communists in the uncompromising territory of the Vojvodina, the plain of the Danube valley across from Hungary. There, his exceptional physical strength and bravery were tested to the utmost.

When he returned to Yugoslavia at the end of the war, his companion on the visit, Kingsley Martin, editor of the New Statesman, recorded how "as we entered the villages, people would run out crying 'Nicola, Nicola!' (Davidson's partisan name) and, after kissing him on the cheek, carry us both into their houses, where it was hard without offence to avoid getting drunk on Slivovitza."

Davidson fought in Yugoslavia from August 1943 to November 1944, then transferred to the Ligurian hills of northern Italy. He and his partisan band seized Genoa before the arrival of American or British forces.

The war years marked him for ever. He fell in love with the comradeship, the trust and the spiritual force of endurance in the service of an ideal that he found with the guerrilla fighters. The lessons he learned about the muddle of war were important for his later work in Africa. In Angola and Guinea-Bissau in the early 1970s, and in Eritrea almost 20 years later, he found those same life forces and loved them. The subjective nature of his response to this history in the making, to deep friendships made and lost, made very painful the eventual unravelling of so much that he believed in.

The political lessons were less personally rewarding, since his willingness to collaborate with communists in battle would lead him in later life to be labelled by the Foreign Office as a dangerous "fellow traveller". Davidson had never been attracted to Marxism, but his wartime experiences with Communist partisans coloured his general attitude towards the cold war struggle, first in Europe and later in Africa. If communists were prepared to fight against the Nazis, or later against South African apartheid and Portuguese colonialism, that caused him no problems.

At the end of the war, a lieutenant-colonel awarded the Military Cross and twice mentioned in dispatches, he turned again to journalism, working first for the Times as one of its correspondents in Paris and then as chief foreign leader writer in London. Out of tune at the Times, and especially unhappy with the western intervention that crushed the communist partisans in Greece, he left in 1949 to work for three years as the secretary of the Union of Democratic Control (UDC), the campaigning foreign affairs organisation set up by ED Morel during the first world war.

At the same time he joined the staff of the New Statesman, where he was soon viewed as Martin's heir apparent. It was not to be. At both the UDC and the New Statesman, he earned the undying hatred of Dorothy Woodman, Martin's companion, and was accused of being a fellow traveller – "or worse". Unable to return as a journalist to the Balkans, because of the cold war, he was taken by chance to Africa, and the continent soon caught his imagination, never to let go. Then, through an invitation from a group of South African trade unionists, he met Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo and other leaders of the African National Congress, about to launch its campaign of defiance against the apartheid laws of the Nationalist government.

Injustice, western hypocrisy and a whiff of revolution were enough to get him firmly engaged: later, from 1969 to 1985, he was a vice-president of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain. He produced an important series about his African journey for the New Statesman, and then wrote a book about the crimes of apartheid. Soon he was listed as a "prohibited immigrant", both in South Africa and in other parts of white-ruled Africa. That area of work was now closed for him.

So too was the New Statesman. On his return, Martin told him he was "proud to publish the articles, [but] if you have to hive off to another paper, I shall obviously understand".

When he was offered a job as an editor at Unesco, the British government vetoed his appointment. Again, it was alleged that he was a fellow traveller, and that his articles were quoted consistently in Moscow. Doubtless they were, since they were very good, and Soviet reporters had even less access to Africa than those from the west. Far from being soft on communists, Davidson was accused during the treason trial of László Rajk in Hungary in 1949 of being an agent of the British secret service, as indeed he had been.

Davidson was rescued by the Daily Herald (1954-57) and then taken up by Hugh Cudlipp at the Daily Mirror (1959-62). Encouraged to take an interest in the Mirror's publishing activities in Nigeria, Davidson made regular annual journeys through west, central and east Africa on the brink of independence from colonialism. Soon he was plunged deep into unwritten African history.

For a family man with three small sons, this was not an ideal profession. It was unfashionable, badly paid and meant long periods away from home. Davidson was no longer a journalist, yet nor was he a tenured academic. His wife, Marion Young, whom he had married during the war – she had also worked in SOE in Italy – somehow held their life together.

Books now began to pour out. The self-taught Davidson had an elegant prose style, at home with both fact and fiction. He wrote five novels and more than 30 other books. These were mainly about African history and included classic textbooks still in use in both east and west Africa. Davidson was enthused early on by the end of British colonialism and the prospects of pan-Africanism in the 1960s, and he wrote copiously and with warmth about newly independent Ghana and its leader, Kwame Nkrumah. He went to work for a year at the University of Accra in 1964.

Later he threw himself into the reporting of the African liberation wars in the Portuguese colonies, particularly in Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau. Following in the steps of the great campaigning journalist Henry Nevinson, who had reported from Angola in 1905, he made an epic journey on foot half a century later that took him into the liberated areas of eastern Angola with the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola. The MPLA became the government at independence in 1975 and the epicentre of the cold war struggle in Africa.

Over the years the elaborate, CIA-run propaganda campaigns in favour of the MPLA's main rival movement, Unita, led by Jonas Savimbi and aided by the secret invasions of the apartheid regime, frequently stumbled against Davidson's authoritative counter-version. His scorn for the mainstream journalism that swallowed the western line on Angola was legendary. On Rhodesia, too, both the media and British government's equivocation and connivance with South Africa's support for the white regime found no more scathing critic than Davidson.

In the 1980s, with most of the African liberation wars now won – except for South Africa's – Davidson turned much of his attention to more theoretical questions about the future of the nation state in Africa. He remained a passionate advocate of pan-Africanism. In 1988 he made a long and dangerous journey into Eritrea, writing a persuasive defence of the nationalists' right to independence from Ethiopia, and an equally eloquent attack on the revolutionary leader Colonel Mengistu and the regime that had overthrown Haile Selassie. Davidson was invited to Havana to discuss the long-running Ethiopia-Eritrean war after the Cubans threw their weight behind Africa's latest revolution. He was irritated by the personal enthusiasm of Fidel Castro for Mengistu, and by the large numbers of Cuban troops sent to help him in his border war against Somalia – although they did not fight in Eritrea. Davidson expressed no surprise at Cuba taking on a new African protege, but he retained his own unfavourable view of Mengistu.

The eventual turn towards repressive government taken by his friends in the Eritrean leadership, when other leaders to whom he had been close were imprisoned in Asmara, was a sad rerun of a similar political trajectory he had witnessed in post-independence Angola. He did not like talking over these matters, but he did not disguise his disappointment. Critics from the right were swift to condemn the early judgments that he had made about these revolutions that had turned sour, and even some of his friends would have welcomed more debate.

In 1984 Davidson embarked on a new career in television, making Africa, an eight-part history series for Channel 4. He was excellent on screen, bringing to an unexpectedly wide audience a vision of Africa far from the usual famine-and-corruption cliches that annoyed him so much. His alternate version of African reality reached further and deeper than he had imagined possible, though he continued to write, producing notably The Black Man's Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State (1992); the collection of essays The Search for Africa (1994); and his final book, West Africa Before the Colonial Era: A History to 1850 (1998).

He received honorary degrees and appointments from many universities, including Edinburgh, Birmingham, Bristol, Manchester, Turin, Ghana and California, and was also decorated by Portugal and Cape Verde for his services to their history. Apart from his military medals, the British state was studiously uninterested in recognising his talents and his service.

He relished the irony of being decorated with great warmth in 2002 by the prime minister of Portugal – once an activist against the fascist regime that Davidson had done so much to bring down. And when the Cape Verde government chose to decorate him in 2003 in an Angolan embassy where the ambassador was a former prominent official of his old opponent Unita, he remarked drily on the surprising reconciliations demanded of those who live long enough.

He is survived by Marion and his sons.

• Basil Risbridger Davidson, historian and campaigner, born 9 November 1914; died 9 July 2010

Basil Davidson: Obituary


Host South Africa posts comeback Cup win

By Dan Wetzel, Yahoo! Sports

JOHANNESBURG – The hum of the opulent Montecasino was as relentless as a vuvuzela Friday night – the popping of wine corks in the perimeter restaurants, the laughter and shouts of crowds packing into stores and bars and, of course, the click of chips getting passed back and forth over blackjack tables.

It looked a lot like Vegas. It felt a lot like Vegas.

Only this was Africa, the continent that caused immense criticism to rain down on FIFA six years ago when it decided to stage a major international sporting event here.

From that point right through the early stages of the World Cup last month, the hand-wringing and gloomy prognostications over security, transportation, crime, organization and even the supposed lukewarm passions of the locals were relentless.

Overwhelmingly, it turned out to be as baseless as the faux Tuscany décor of the casino. South Africa, it turns out, did great.

“South Africa has shown what it can do,” said FIFA president Sepp Blatter.

On Sunday, the Netherlands and Spain meet in the World Cup final, capping off a month of great competition and even better home-nation hosting. For all the hysterical predicting of what would happen here, the final verdict is virtually unanimous.

There were few reported instances of crime on tourists, and most of them were people who unwisely put themselves at risk in dangerous neighborhoods – something that would happen anywhere in the world. While there were some hotel thefts involving the teams – and even FIFA headquarters was hit – things were safe for the most part.

The government dealt quickly and harshly with thieves in an effort to send a message. The housekeeping crew that stole from the rooms of the English team was given three-year prison terms within days of being caught.

South Africa, especially here in the largest city, has a major crime problem. The challenges of life in Johannesburg can’t be understated. It is a world of breathtaking contrasts – Soweto shantytowns and suburban Sandton Bentley dealerships.

Yet a massive police force kept the areas around stadiums, fan fests and popular nightlife districts calm. For this month, at least, it was safe. And not just in heavily fortified casinos.

In the country’s eight other host cities, things went even smoother. In world-class Cape Town, fans jammed outdoor viewing parties, crowded into clubs and packed the historic V&A Waterfront. Durban, another waterfront town, was likewise festive. And even rugged mining cities such as Rustenberg managed to become tourist destinations for a stretch.

In the meantime, people poured into game reserves or took extended safaris. Cape Town’s Robben Island museum was booked days ahead of time. The whale-watching boats and great white shark cage-diving companies couldn’t keep up with demand. Other fans just kicked back with some homegrown wine and watched one of Africa’s magnificent sunsets.

Eventually, they all filled a new, state-of-the-art stadium to cheer, blow horns and, at times, cry in sporting agony.

The only thing more impressive than the scenery was the people. South Africa is a divisive place where life isn’t easy for many. For a month, so many people put aside differences and difficulties and embraced the once-in-a-lifetime moment of hosting this event.

The World Cup, even with its influx of tourism money and long-term positive publicity, doesn’t solve the questions of the future here. But it did appear to unify. Regular people pulled together.

Sometimes the message came from a cook coming out to make sure you enjoyed the kingklip he took pride in cooking to perfection. Sometimes from an immigrant woman in a rural shantytown explaining that, yes, this was difficult, but life would be better. Once it was a woman on the street in Cape Town who, after eyeing my press badge, begged me to write something good about her homeland.

This is a country and a continent with a remarkable spirit – daring, defiant and, even in the face of immense issues, hopeful. People from all classes and races carry a great sense of humor and a free-spiritedness that comes from knowing nature, in its rawest form, isn’t far away.

I toured squatters’ villages, crime-infested neighborhoods, rural outposts, neighborhood pubs, humble B&B’s and fancy casinos. Each was so different – except for the underlying vitality of the people there. Soccer fans or not, they knew this was important.

Somehow, one of the repeated lines from Shakira’s omnipresent pop song about the Cup – “Waka Waka (This Time for Africa)” – created a movement. Suddenly, so many people

http://g.sports.yahoo.com/soccer/world-cup/news/host-south-africa-posts-comeback-win--fbintl_dw-southafrica071010.html

Host South Africa posts comeback Cup win

Jul 10, 2010

“Telling African Stories” celebrates diversity

Thursday, February 11th 2010

By NATALIE TIMPERIO

THE SILHOUETTE

The month of February marks a significant occasion in our calendar. Black history month has been celebrated for years; however, it is more than just an annual celebratory event. It is an opportunity to commemorate the history of African Americans and a chance to discover their distinct ethos throughout the world.

In honour of this, the McMaster Alumni Association hosted an event at the Discovery Centre located in Hamilton Harbour last Wednesday evening. This event, Telling African Stories: Literature, History and the African Experience, featured a critical discussion presented by Dr. Bonny Ibhawoh, Associate Professor in the Department of History and Director of the Centre for Peace Studies here at McMaster University.

Dr. Ibhawoh guided listeners through the history of African literature. Within his lecture, he referred to four distinct periods in the African literary history: the oral traditions and use of symbols that began with the origins of humankind, the colonial traditions, the nationalist traditions and the written word now commonly used in contemporary times.

In relation to these time periods, Dr. Ibhawoh stressed that African literature isn’t something that is exclusive to African peoples alone. Rather, it is a universal phenomenon that prevails amongst all humankind, including Canadians. While African styles of literature are unique, particularly in contrast to European and Western styles of literature, Dr. Ibhawoh explained that “African-Canadian literatures are in many ways very similar to African literature…it’s also based on the oral tradition…so it’s important to understand that even when [it’s] written down the roots are [the same].”

The theme of universality was central to Ibhawoh’s lecture in which he emphasized that literature mustn’t be thought of solely in terms of printed language, as we so often confine our definition of literature to that which is written and intelligible only to us, the West. In order to recognize the universality of African literature, particularly as university students, Dr. Ibhawoh explained that we must do so “by seeking and learning more, by participating…because they are human beings…and [we are all] connected. If you are able to establish a connection the chances are that you will be more proactive in trying to learn about a society.”

It is within a university setting that we have nearly unlimited access to the available tools and resources that allow us to begin or further study of African culture as well as other cultures throughout the world. In fact, diversity amongst cultures is apparent when simply walking through campus. As Dr. Ibhawoh stated, “[McMaster] is becoming a very diverse campus…with not just students but professors from different parts of the world.” It is precisely within this type of environment that “makes us accepting of cultures and more tolerant, and that is something we need [as] Canada prides itself as a mosaic,” he added.

The traditional images associated with the U.S. and Canada are the cultural “melting pot” of the U.S. and Canada’s “tossed salad” of ethnicities. This belief in Canada as a harbinger of ethnic diversity and a cultural mosaic is a fundamental feature of Canadian identity and nationalistic distinctiveness. Often, much of the world views Canada in this same light.

Dr. Ibhawoh said that in Canada “you are encouraged to celebrate your diversity…I think that’s what makes Canada so special and unique. It’s a place that is welcoming of cultures and sees those cultures as not just being tolerated but part of what the Canadian experience is…you have no choice, you need to make an effort to be tolerant and understand.”

While the truth of Canada as ever-welcoming of diversity has been contested, Dr. Ibhawoh’s perspective suggests some progress from our colonial past.

Although the end of February concludes black history month, attribution and appreciation of cultural diversity may be continually exercised throughout the year, as members of a culturally distinct community, both within McMaster University and in Canada.

“Telling African Stories” celebrates diversity

Jun 28, 2010

I am writing this from Sarajevo, the capital city of Bosnia Herzegovina where for the past week I have been attending a conference on International Peacebuilding in conflict-affected societies. It is a journey that will also take me through Zagreb in Croatia to Slovenia. Having visited several cities that have experienced war and conflict in Africa and Central America, scenes of urban centers devastated by wars and armed conflict are not unfamiliar.

Yet, visiting Sarajevo was an eye opener. This is a distinctly modern European city and for someone who has come to associate Europe with order and cosmopolitan sophistication, the sight of one bearing the same fresh scars of war that I have come to associate with the troubled regions of the developing world was unsettling.

The rows of high rise concrete apartments, dating from the communist era in Tito’s Yugoslavia, reminded me of similar buildings I had seen in Jena and other parts of what used to be East Germany. Walking through the street, it was easy to see how this historic town could once have been central to the history of Europe. After all, it was in Sarajevo that Archduke Ferdinand was assassinated by a Serbian student Gavrilo Princip, sparking the First World War in 1914.

The historic character of the city as the “Jerusalem of Europe” is also evident in the landscape -- the cascading hills surrounding the city, the stone facade of the buildings in the old Jewish quarters and the mosque minarets standing beside church towers. This is a city where the three monotheistic religions have long coexisted. I could hear the ringing of the church bells down the road one moment and in the next, the unmistakable sound of the “adhan” (Muslim call to prayer). One does indeed feel a sense of being at the crossroads of history.

Yet, in all these, it is difficult to escape the real legacies of war in this city. Almost every building still has bullet or shrapnel holes on the walls. Some were gaping holes. Although there were signs of reconstruction and repair, many buildings are still in ruins.

I asked my colleague and guide Goran, who works with a local Peacebuilding NGO, how so many buildings could have been destroyed in the war. He explained that during the siege on the city, Serb/Yugoslav army occupied the hills surrounding the city, making it an easy target for bullets, mortar rounds and RPGs. Most of the devastation I saw came from exploding mortar rounds that killed thousands.

We came across a street in which over 50 people were killed on a single day in mortar explosion. The buildings on the street bore little bronze plaques with the names of those killed -- many of them were women and children. War is devastating everywhere and those who bear the brunt are often the innocent and most vulnerable.

As I walked through the city centre with Goran, I asked how such intense ethnic hostility and animosity could have existed among a people that looked to me so homogenous. How was it possible to tell a Serb from a Croat and a Croat from a Bosnian during the war? They all look the same to my untrained eyes. Goran replied that most people in the former Yugoslavia speak the same Serb-Croat language and “pretty much look alike racially.” “During the war," he continued, it was your neighbor, friend and colleague who pointed you out as being ethnically different – an enemy or traitor.” It reminded me of Rwanda.

It was Jonas Savimbi, the Angola warlord, who defined peace as the “space between two wars.” The most we can do, he argued, is to make that space as wide as we can but at some point men must war. I disagree. There is nothing inevitable about war and the pain and devastation that it brings to humanity. We can choose a different destiny -- PEACE. Visiting Sarajevo convinces me even more of this.

Bosnia Herzegovina: Confronting the Legacies of War

Jun 13, 2010

“The fear of finding oneself in bad company is not an expression of political purity; it is an expression of a lack of self-confidence.”
- Arthur Koestler

Quote of the Week

May 21, 2010

“Before you embark on a journey of revenge, dig two graves

- Confucius (551-479 BC)

Quote of the Week

May 15, 2010


One of my favorite movies is the 1930s comedy, Ninotchka starring Greta Garbo. In the movie, three Soviet agents are dispatched to Paris to sell off imperial jewels to raise money to buy tractors for the USSR. When the Grand Duchess, former owner of the jewels discovers this she deploys her lover to recover her gems. He starts seducing the three bumbling Soviet agents with the luxuries of capitalist life. The delay of the sale is noticed in Moscow, and Comrade Ninotchka (Greta Garbo) is dispatched to Paris to settle the matter. The movie unfolds around the satirical image of the young idealistic Communist, Comrade Ninotchka, fighting against corrupt Western ways.

Upon arrival in Paris, the three other Russian agents meet her at the train station where she gives them an update on developments in their Stalinist Russian homeland. "The last mass trials were a great success,” she says in a thick Russian accent. “At zee end, there will be fewer, but better Russians!"

You have to see the movie to understand why I find this line so hilarious. Although the line is uttered in the context of humor and comedy, it conveys the absurd logic that dictatorships throughout history have used to justify mass killings as aspirations towards national utopias.

The line, “There will be fewer, but better Russians" conveys the need for:

  • Skepticism of aspirations of national utopias whether coming from the right or the left, or religion. Nazi Holocaust reflects genocide with right wing conservative inclination. The Cambodian genocide reflects genocide with leftist inclination (claim to communist influence, egalitarianism, anti-imperialism). Both aimed to create fewer but "better" citizens.
  • Skepticism of state and personalist nationalisms; cult of personality.
  • Skepticism of the tendency to conflate the community with the state and the state with the regime.
  • Skepticism of code words used for exclusion and repression masquerading as nationalist discourse – terms such as “upholding national purity; maintaining the sanctity of the nation; upholding national values; cultural degeneracy/ virtue.”
  • Skepticism of State prescribed sanctimony. The regimes in Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan have state Committees for the “Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice.” Who determines what's “virtue?” and who determines what's “vice”?

The lesson of history is that we must be alert to and skeptical of state aspirations toward national utopias. The quest for "better" citizens is often the prelude to pogroms, mass murders and genocides.

"I have heard of the arrogant male in Capitalistic societies..."

"There will be fewer, but better citizens"

As is becoming his style, Prof. Henry Louis Gates has offered a provocative exposé into the debate over reparations for slavery in the United States. He argues that “while we are all familiar with the role played by the United States and the European colonial powers like Britain, France, Holland, Portugal and Spain, there is very little discussion of the role Africans themselves played.”

But as others have noted, despite Mr. Gates' contention that "there is very little discussion" of this fact, it hardly qualifies as news; today, virtually every history of slavery and every American history textbook includes this information.

Much of Gates' arguments are valid. I do see the need for a frank and open debate about the role of Africans in the discourse on reparations for slavery.

What I find problematic, however, is that as he does in his television series, Gates tends to reinforce the erroneous assumption that African “brothers and sisters” were selling off each other to the Europeans. True, African middlemen traders sold other peoples of African descent to the European slave traders but did these middlemen see the slaves they sold as their “brothers” and “sisters?” For the most part, they did not. They saw them as enemies, war captives and foreigners. The myth of a monolithic African identity is a construct that stands in the way of proper understanding and contextualization of the role of Africans in the Atlantic slave trade.

When I teach the Atlantic Slave trade to my undergraduate students, one of the questions I frequently get is: “How could Africans have sold other Africans as slaves to the Europeans?” My standard response comes in the form of another question: “How could German Europeans have murdered 6 million innocent fellow Europeans in the 1940s?”

My students’ familiarity with European history enables them to offer cogent answers: The murderers were only a few Nazis, not all Europeans; it happened in the context of war; and the Nazis did not quite see the Jews as fellow Germans or Europeans but as an alien race. “Very well explained,” I say to my students. Now, apply the same depth of analysis to your understanding of the role of Africans in the Atlantic slave trade.

See Prof. Gates’ original article
“Ending the Slavery Blame-Game” By HENRY LOUIS GATES Jr.

Ending the Slavery Blame-Game (Erroneously!)

May 1, 2010


BBC News story
Race hate lives on in 'rainbow nation'

GIAZILO’s commentary

With all the hope and promise of building a rainbow nation following the collapse of Apartheid, racial tensions are once again brewing in South Africa and this deserves the world's attention.

The murder, recently, of South African white supremacist leader Eugene Terreblanche by two of his black workers has further polarized the country and raised the ugly specter of the kinds of racial violence that characterized the worst days of the apartheid era. This time however, the story is a bit more complex.

Eugene Terreblanche, by all accounts, was an objectionable figure who thrived on stoking racial animosities. He led the Afrikaner Resistance movement, the AWB, which viewed the end of apartheid as surrender to communism and threatened full scale civil war if President F. W de Klerk handed power to Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress. He even led a violent attempt to disrupt the dismantling of Apartheid.

The death of Terreblanche has been blamed on Julius Malema, the vocal and controversial leader of the Youth League of the ruling African National Congress. Widely seen as a divisive figure, even within the ANC, Malema is a close ally of President Jacob Zuma. White groups and opposition parties blame Malema for singing an apartheid-era song at rallies that include the lyrics “shoot the Boer [farmer].”

This is particularly sensitive given that several white farmers have been murdered in their farms since the end of apartheid. Although the ANC rejected the link between the song and Terreblanche’s murder, it accepted that the song and the debate around it was polarizing society and subsequently instructed its members to stop using it.

Julius Malema and his supporters have defied this instruction and continued to sing the songs at political rallies. Within the ANC there is talk of initiating disciplinary proceedings against Malema where he is expected to answer to an array of charges, including promoting racism. But given his influence within the party, it remains uncertain whether the ANC leadership has the will or incentive to follow through on this.

Julius Malema and his supporters justify the singing of the song with the offensive lyrics in terms of history and heritage. The lyrics “Kill the Boars,” they insist is not intended to encourage violence against white farmers but to evoke the anti-apartheid struggle. It is a lame excuse. Given the fragility of post-Apartheid peace in the country and the racial tensions that simmer just beneath the surface, nothing can justify the singing of this song – not even the evocation of history and heritage.

In the arguments of Julius Malema and his supporters, I find parallels with the arguments of those in the United States who insist on flying the confederate flag in public spaces in the name of history and heritage. Groups such as the “Sons of Confederate Veterans,” seek to preserve the history and legacy of Confederate heroes, often without regard to the sensitivity of many African-Americans, for whom the Confederate flag evokes a different history and legacy.

Like the Sons of the Confederacy, Julius Malema and his followers have chosen to turn a blind eye to the fact that their interpretation and evocation of history have adverse implications for the rights, safety and wellbeing of others. We must be wary of those who evoke history and heritage in ways that are insensitive to the pain and suffering of others. I am all for protecting the freedom of speech and expression but there must be limits imposed when one’s freedom of expression so clearly poses a threat to the sense of security of others within the community.

The South African government needs to do more to rein in the divisive racial discourses growing on all sides. It must send a strong message that history and heritage cannot provide an excuse for divisive racial discourses. Those who are keen on those symbols of their history and heritage that provoke racial animosities may continue to “enjoy” them in the dark privacy of their homes, but they have no place in the public square.

South Africa cannot afford the Hate

Apr 25, 2010

The Center for Human Rights Documentation & Research (CHRDR), part of Columbia University Libraries/Information Services, is pleased to announce the development of the Human Rights Web Archive
http://www.columbia.edu/cu/lweb/indiv/humanrights/hrwa/

As part of Columbia's larger initiative to collect free and at-risk web resources, the Human Rights Web Archive is dedicated to preserving web-based information of importance to the global community of human rights researchers, students, policymakers and advocates.

Human Rights Web Archive, University of Columbia

 
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