Feb 23, 2010
I just finished reading John Foran’s new book, Taking Power (2005) and I think is a must read for anyone interested in human rights, social justice and peace. Although Foran is a sociologist and brings a predominantly sociological approach to his analysis, he also offers a multidisciplinary perspective.While I do not agree with some of the more rigidly structuralist arguments that Foran makes, I think his overall attempts at systematizing our understanding of social revolutions is to be commended. I was particularly intrigued by his discussion on the “Future of revolutions." He questions whether Globalization represents the “Highest Stage of Capitalism?” (p.260)
Globalization the Highest Stage of Capitalism?
In his classic 1916 account of imperialism, Lenin conceived it as the highest stage of capitalism, and dated its rise in words that echo eerily almost a century later: “The beginning of the twentieth century marks the turning point from the old capitalism to the new, from domination of capital in general to the domination of finance capital.” Foran wonders if, as imperialism represented for Lenin a special state in capitalism, globalization at the beginning of the twenty-first century represents a special stage in imperialism and neo-colonialism. This, I think, is an interesting proposition that draws attention to the structural inequities inherent in contemporary globalization.
Book of the Week: John Foran, Taking Power: On the Origins of Third World Revolutions
Feb 21, 2010
A famous biblical verse states: "Not everyone who says to me, 'Lord, Lord,' will enter the kingdom of heaven, but only he who does the will of my Father who is in heaven." I find this admonition by Jesus Christ relevant to the human rights movement in many ways. Not everyone who professes human rights does so with an objective commitment to human rights ideals. A look at the history of the human rights movement bears this out.One of the legacies of the Cold War for human rights was the creation and intensification of the boundaries between civil and political rights on one hand, and economic, social and cultural rights on the other. These boundaries reflected the East West polarization in international relations which reduced human rights to a weapon of propaganda and political ideology in a bi-polar struggle. The West emphasized civil and political rights pointing the finger at socialist countries for denying these rights. The socialist (and many developing countries) emphasized economic and social rights criticizing the richest Western countries for failure to secure these rights for all its citizens.
In a post-Cold War era where the world is no longer that sharply divided between East and West, much of the propagandist human rights language of the Cold War era has lost its relevance. More countries across the former East West divide are now better disposed to affirming the interrelatedness, interdependence and indivisibility of human rights. However, the co-option of human rights by both state and non-state authority structures for parochial ideological and propagandist purposes did not cease with the end of the Cold War. International discourses on the right to development, for instance have continues to be underscored by similar manipulation of rights language to serve the political and economic agendas of states, ruling regimes and other non-governmental authority structures. The ideological fault lines may be less rigid than they were during the Cold War, but the language of human rights continues to be appropriated and invoked in ways that sell it short.
We must therefore continue to seriously consider the morally troubling outcomes that arise when human rights is co-opted by authority structures in ways that serve more to enhance their power than to alleviate human suffering. As we celebrate the many progressive developments that have been brought about by the post Second World War human rights movement, we must also pay attention to how the misuse of human rights can undermine its claims to universalism, inalienability and normative objectivity.
Whose “Human Rights” Agenda?

Book of the Week - Paulo Freire's Pedagogy of the Oppressed
Jan 21, 2010
But I have been struck by the shallowness of the global media reporting of the event. Virtually none of the media reporting of the tragedy has gone beyond the fixation with Haiti’s recent history to explore the long and complex sequence of historical events that have shaped what Haiti is today. This is, in many ways, typical of Western media reporting - a preoccupation with the here and now. An obstinate presentism that insists on draining today's events of yesterday's antecedents; an antipathy for historical contexts. Yet, a broader historical context is crucial to understanding the realities of poverty and political instability in that country today. The only analysis have I seen in the media so far that even attempts to provide such a historical context is Fareed Zakaria’s GPS on CNN (Below).
Beyond the media's fixation with Haiti’s present history of corruption, poverty and political instability, is a long and brutal history of slavery, emancipation, exclusion, hostility, and foreign intervention. The legacies of these historical realities continue to shape the situation in that country today. We need to understand this past to be better able to help the people of Haiti move into a more promising future.
Sir Hilary Beckles, the pro-vice-chancellor and principal of the University of West Indies offers a historical perspective to the Haitian situation on in his article, “The Hate and the Quake”
http://www.barbadosadvocate.com/newsitem.asp?more=letters&NewsID=8490
HAITI: Media Reporting and the need for Historical Contextualization
Dec 2, 2009
Dr. Bonny Ibhawoh (Centre for Peace Studies, McMaster University, Canada) discusses President Obama's decision to send additional troops to Afghanistan.
Afghanistan cannot simply be a military project. It also has to be a civilian empowerment and reconstruction project. That part of the overall Afghanistan strategy is becoming less clear. In his December 2008 speech announcing his decision to send 30,000 additional troops to Afghanistan, Obama stated: "The Nation I am most interested in building is our own." This seems to signal a radical shift from the lofty nation building agendas put forward by the US government in the earlier stages of the war. While I can understand the skepticism that some have voiced about America’s nation building role in Afghanistan, it goes without saying that the long term stability and security in Afghanistan which the international community so desperately desires can only be achieved when military campaigns are followed with sustained and coordinated civilian development assistance. For now, it seems that the Obama policy is to continue with an expanded and intensified military counter-insurgency strategy aimed at pushing back the Taliban. While this may well be a necessary first step, it does not by itself offer a comprehensive strategy that will bring long term peace and stability to that country.
Obama's Military Plan for Afghanistan: Beyond Counter Insurgency
Nov 21, 2009
Who will protect us from those who want to protect us?
Oct 22, 2009
Chimamanda Adichie: The danger of a single story
Oct 20, 2009
Playing for Change is an interesting initiative that digitally brings musicians from all over the word together to create beautiful and empowering music aimed at bringing positive change to the world. Their videos have become a you-tube sensation garnering over 20 million views. This my favorite in the collection. It is titled Chanda Mama, an old Indian folk song about the moon in Telugu language, a language mainly spoken in southern India. It is performed here by artists from 4 continents who probably have never spoken Telugu. It brings a truly universal meaning to ideals of peace and positive social change. Enjoy!
Playing for Change
Oct 10, 2009

THE 20th ANNUAL BERTRAND RUSSELL PEACE LECTURES
GWYNNE DYER
GWYNNE DYER has worked as a freelance journalist, columnist, broadcaster and lecturer on international affairs for more than 20 years. Born in Newfoundland, he received degrees from Canadian, American and British universities, finishing with a Ph.D. in Military and Middle Eastern History from the University of London. He served in three navies and held academic appointments at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst and Oxford University before launching his twice-weekly column on international affairs, which is published by over 175 papers in some 45 countries. His first television series 'War', was aired in 45 countries in the mid-80s. One episode, 'The Profession of Arms', was nominated for an Academy Award. His more recent works include the 1994 series 'The Human Race', and 'Protection Force', a three-part series on peacekeepers in Bosnia, both of which won Gemini awards. His award-winning radio documentaries include 'The Gorbachev Revolution', a series based on Dyer's experiences in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union in 1987-90, and 'Millenium', a six-hour series on the emerging global culture. His most recent projects are a book and a radio series called 'Climate Wars', dealing with the geopolitics of climate change.
WAR AND PEACE IN THE MIDDLE EAST - NOV 9, 2009
CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE THREAT OF WAR - NOV 10, 2009
7:00PM Health Sciences Centre, room HSC-1A1 McMASTER UNIVERSITY

